21st -Century Studies in Humanities
ŞEREFE
STUDIES IN HONOUR OF
PROF. GÉZA DÁVID
ON HIS SEVENTIETH
BIRTHDAY
Edited by
PÁL FODOR
NÁNDOR E. KOVÁCS
BENEDEK PÉRI
ŞEREFE
STUDIES IN HONOUR OF PROF. GÉZA DÁVID
ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY
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21st -Century Studies in Humanities
Editor: Pál Fodor
Research Centre for the Humanities,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Budapest, 2019
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ŞEREFE
STUDIES IN HONOUR OF
PROF. GÉZA DÁVID
ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY
Edited by
PÁL FODOR,
NÁNDOR E. KOVÁCS and
BENEDEK PÉRI
Research Centre for the Humanities,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Budapest, 2019
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© Research Centre for the Humanities of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2019
© Authors, 2019
ISBN 978-963-416-182-0
ISSN 2630-8827
Published by the Research Centre for the Humanities
of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Responsible editor: Pál Fodor
Prepress preparation: Institute of History, RCH HAS
Research Assistance Team; Leader: Éva Kovács
Cover design: Bence Marafkó
Page layout: Bence Marafkó
Map: Béla Nagy
Printed in Hungary by Séd Kft., Szekszárd
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Géza Dávid
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CONTENTS
TO GÉZA DÁVID ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY
(Pál Fodor). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11
L’ANATOLIE PRÉ-OTTOMANE SELON
UN CHOIX DE SOURCES DU XIII ÈME SIÈCLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Michel Balivet – Homa Lessan Pezechki
DAVID AND THE CHAIN MAIL: A TRADITIONAL
TELMÎH (‘ALLUSION’) IN OTTOMAN POETRY . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Benedek Péri
WOLF ON THE BORDER: YAHYAPAŞAOĞLU BALİ BEY (?–1527).
EXPANSION AND PROVINCIAL ÉLITE IN THE EUROPEAN
CONFINES OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN THE EARLY
SIXTEENTH CENTURY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Pál Fodor
FIRANGI, ZARBZAN, AND RUM DASTURI: THE OTTOMANS
AND THE DIFFUSION OF FIREARMS IN ASIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Gábor Ágoston
AFTER MOHÁCS: HOW NEWS FROM HUNGARY
REACHED VENICE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Colin Imber
TOGETHER OR SEPARATELY ‒ FAMILY STRATEGIES
AND RESILIENCE IN DIVIDED HUNGARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
Ildikó Horn
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NEW FINDINGS ON THE EXTENT OF THE
EARLY ESTATES OF THE BEYLERBEYİS OF BUDA
AND THE BEYS OF MOHAÇ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
Éva Sz. Simon
THE LION THAT WAS ONLY A CAT:
SOME NOTES ON THE LAST YEARS AND THE DEATH
OF ARSLAN PASHA, BEY OF SEMENDİRE
AND BEYLERBEYİ OF BUDA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Claudia Römer – Nicolas Vatin
THE DEMISE OF THE PASHA:
SOME REMARKS ON HADIM ALİ PASHA,
THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL
OF BUDA’S DEATH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
Feridun M. Emecen
SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PROBATE INVENTORIES
FROM TOLNA TOWN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
Ibolya Gerelyes
SOLDIERS OF THE SULTAN IN OTTOMAN HUNGARY:
THE TESTIMONY OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS . . . . . . 211
Gyöngyi Kovács
AN OTTOMAN GARDEN – THE PALACE OF BEYLERBEYİS
IN BUDA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
Adrienn Papp
REGULATIONS AND PRACTICE:
FICTION AND REALITY IN OTTOMAN HUNGARY
(THOUGHTS ON SOURCE CRITICISM) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
Klára Hegyi
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ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE OF MEZŐKERESZTES
IN THE PINELLI COLLECTION OF THE BIBLIOTECA
AMBROSIANA IN MILAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
Zsuzsa Kovács
AYN ALİ’S TREATISE ON THE “RANKS” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
Douglas A. Howard
THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA . . . 307
Antal Molnár
THE STORY OF MÜRTEZA PASHA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
Balázs Sudár
THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS OF KAZAN
RE-EXAMINED . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359
Mária Ivanics
VON DER HEERESFOLGE FREIGESTELLTE TIMAR-INHABER
IN DER ZWEITEN HÄLFTE DES 17. JAHRHUNDERTS . . . . . . 381
Hans Georg Majer
OTTOMAN TRIBUTES AND CIRCULATION OF MONEY
IN THE PRINCIPALITY OF TRANSYLVANIA, 1658–1687 . . . . 399
János Buza
JÁNOS FERDINAND AUER AND HIS IMPRISONMENT
IN THE SEVEN TOWERS (1663–1674): A PRISONER
OF DIPLOMACY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 419
Özgür Kolçak
PETITION BY REBEL HUNGARIAN NOBLES FOR COMPLETE
SUBMISSION TO THE OTTOMAN PORTE (1672) . . . . . . . . . . 437
Sándor Papp
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ROMA ÇASARIYLA ŞEVKETLÜ PADİŞAHIMUZUN
SULH [U] SALAHI OLUB – THE TWO ALİ PASHAS
OF TEMEŞVAR ON THE HABSBURG, HUNGARIAN AND
OTTOMAN FRONTIER AT THE TIME OF THE
RÁKÓCZI WAR OF INDEPENDENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459
Hajnalka Tóth
ESCHATOLOGY AS AN INSTRUMENT OF OTTOMAN
IMPERIAL PROPAGANDA IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY: SOME REMARKS ON THE TREATISE
OF İBRAHİM MÜTEFERRİKA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481
Nándor Erik Kovács
FIRES IN ISTANBUL: EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY REFLECTIONS
ON THE SULTANS’ LEGITIMACY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503
Suraiya Faroqhi
THE SANCAK OF SEMENDİRE AND ITS GOVERNORS IN THE
SECOND HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY . . . . . . . . . . 523
Mehmet İnbaşı
HUNGARIAN DIPLOMATIC ENVOYS IN CONSTANTINOPLE
DURING THE HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION AND WAR OF
INDEPENDENCE OF 1848–1849 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 541
György Csorba
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TO GÉZA DÁVID
ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY
In early September 1974, two young people timidly went into the Department
of Turkish Studies of Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest to ask about the
conditions for entering the Turkish Studies course. They were met in the room
by a tall, improbably thin young man with a great mop of hair, of whom they
quickly learned that he was also a beginner, on the teaching staff. That was how
Géza Dávid acquired his first two students – in a department where before
him, or along with him, such scholars as Ármin Vámbéry, Gyula Németh,
Lajos Fekete and Gyula Káldy-Nagy taught and pursued research. The years
since then have passed quickly, and the junior lecturer with long brown hair
has greyed into a respected professor and head of department, an internationally
renowned scholar of the Ottoman Empire. This year, he is celebrating his
seventieth birthday. As one of these first people who had the honour of being
his student and subsequently his colleague, and who has been a collaborator on
many publications, I felt it to be a natural obligation – together with two other,
and somewhat younger, of his former students – to pay our respects with a
book that befits this special day, and thus to congratulate him on a long, hardworking life that has borne so much fruit.
Ever since the initiatives of Lajos Fekete, Hungarian Ottomanists have paid
particular attention to the history of Hungary under Ottoman rule. One of the
areas they are strongest in is tahrir defteri studies, which in recent decades has
also been widely taken up in Turkey. But Dávid went well beyond his great
predecessors and startled everyone in the field with a model monograph that
he published in Hungarian in 1982 and in Turkish in 1999. That book
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FOREWORD
demonstrated, through innovative methods and their application, how a
credible history of an Ottoman sancak should be written, covering public
administration, demographics, land ownership and economic affairs.1
These studies took him to his second great area of research, the demography
of Hungary in the sixteenth century. A great impulse for this work came from
his father, the outstanding demographer Zoltán Dávid, who effectively set him
the task of extending his own eighteenth-century research into the Ottoman
era, so that together they would cover all of the demographic changes in the
country during the early modern period. Géza Dávid performed this task
brilliantly, and his seminal studies on the subject have been reproduced almost
word for word in many monographs.2 It was also the subject he habilitated
with (“Demographic history of sixteenth-century Hungary”) in Eötvös Loránd
University.
His third great research topic is Ottoman government history. He and
Klára Hegyi made the most original discoveries on Ottoman administrative
strategies, and his comparative survey of Balkan and Hungarian Ottoman
administration has been one of the most-cited Hungarian works in recent
international literature on the subject.3
Dávid’s next major area of interest was Ottoman prosopography. As a young
researcher, he discovered, and became one of the first to demonstrate, the
significance of the timar ruznamçe defterleri and the companion documents to
these, the rüus defterleri. These have been the main sources for his work of
several decades tracing the careers of many beylerbeyis and sancakbeyis,
particularly those who were active in Hungary, thereby contributing to our
knowledge of the classical Ottoman establishment and to making the abstract
concept of “the state” more personal. There can be few more detailed and
thorough biographies of Ottoman leaders than his study of Kasım, who started
1 Osmanlı Macaristan’ında Toplum, Ekonomi ve Yönetim. 16. Yüzyılda Şimontornya Sancağı.
(Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 81.) Çeviren: Hilmi Ortaç. İstanbul,
2 For some of these writings, see in Studies in Demographic and Administrative History of
Ottoman Hungary. (Analecta Isisiana) İstanbul, 1997.
3 ‘Administration in Ottoman Europe’, in Metin Kunt and Christine Woodhead (eds.), Süleyman the Magnificent and His Age: The Ottoman Empire in the Early Modern World. London
and New York, 1995, 71–90.
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FOREWORD
as a voyvoda and rose to district governor, and then governor-general of Buda
and Temeşvar (Temesvár/Timişoara).4
From the outset, his interests have extended to the operation and long-term
history of the Ottoman prebendal (timar) system, on which he has published
many studies, large and small. Recently, he has been working with Douglas A.
Howard on a critical edition of one of the most important seventeenth-century
source on the timar system, the treatise by Ayn Ali. This work is expected to
make a major alteration to our current knowledge of the subject.
Dávid’s constant and sustained archive research has engendered more than
journal articles and books. He has been one of the most prolific contributors
among Hungarian scholars to various Islamic and Ottomanist reference books.
He has written, and continues to write, excellent entries for Türkiye Diyanet
Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi and The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Some of these entries
are more like monographs in length, and convey the latest knowledge on areas
and periods that are still unknown territory for the world outside the
profession.5 This work is largely responsible for Géza Dávid now being one of
the best-known Hungarian Ottomanists abroad. It is not the only factor,
however. He has become a favourite partner of international scholars through
his exceptional language skills: he has a reading and speaking knowledge at
various levels of Turkish, English, German, French, Italian, Russian and
Spanish, and has demonstrated this to spectacular effect at countless
conferences. Such is his knowledge of his favourite foreign language, Turkish,
that for several decades he was the most sought-after interpreter at meetings of
Hungarian and Turkish prime ministers and heads of state. (Here I should
note that in 1987, he wrote and published a Hungarian–Turkish/Turkish–
Hungarian tourist dictionary, the first of its kind in Hungary and Turkey.)6
Among his other merits, this activity contributed to his being awarded, in
4 ‘An Ottoman Military Career on the Hungarian Borders: Kasım Voyvoda, Bey and Pasha’,
in Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor (eds.), Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central Europe:
The Military Confines in the Era of Ottoman Conquest. (The Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage.
Politics, Society and Economy, 20.) Leiden, Boston, Köln, 2000, 265–297.
5 One example: ‘Macaristan’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 27. Ankara,
2003, 286–295.
6 Turistik Sözlük: Türkçe–Macarca/Útiszótár: Török–magyar. Budapest, 1987.
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FOREWORD
1997, the highest Turkish civilian honour, the Order of Merit of the Republic
of Turkey (Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Liyakat Nişanı, conferred by the president of
the state). The Turkish Historical Society (Türk Tarih Kurumu) elected him a
corresponding member in 1989 and an honorary member in 2013. This year,
he was also awarded the Officers’ Cross of the Hungarian Order of Merit.
In addition to his administrative tasks (Head of the Department of Turkish
Studies, Faculty of Humanities, ELTE University, 1993–1998, 1999–2014;
Director, Institute of Oriental Studies, Faculty of Humanities, ELTE
University, 2010–2014) and his intensive research work, Géza Dávid has
raised several generations of Ottomanists and helped them to become
internationally competitive scholars. It has been under his guidance that most
of the young and middle Hungarian generations of today have gained their
doctorates and become accepted in the profession. Several of his former
students have contributed to this book.
These multiple areas of work and other engagements have not prevented
him from devoting much time over the decades to editorial work. He has
always been happily involved with the journal Keletkutatás (Oriental Studies),
of which he was a member of the editorial board between 1986 and 1995, and
(together with the writer of these lines) has been co-editor-in-chief since then.
A demonstration of his incredible self-discipline and devotion is that he has
never broken the resolution he once made to publish an article of some extent
in every issue of the journal. He has thus become its most productive
contributor. We have also jointly edited several multi-authored books that
have received considerable acclaim. This work has borne out Dávid’s unmatched
philological and technical thoroughness. No error can escape his eagle eye.
Géza Dávid’s 375-item list of publications is a convincing illustration of his
productiveness. His works, written in English, Turkish, French, German, and
Hungarian, have been published in Austria, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, the
United Kingdom, France, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania,
Russia, Tunisia, Turkey and the United States. His books, papers and text
publications7 are of first-magnitude significance for the understanding of the
7 See, for instance, Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor, „Az ország ügye mindenek előtt való”. A szultáni
tanács Magyarországra vonatkozó rendeletei (1544–1545, 1552)/“Affairs of State Are Supreme”.
The Orders of the Ottoman Imperial Council Pertaining to Hungary (1544–1545, 1552). (História
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FOREWORD
administrative system, demographics and economic history of Hungary under
Ottoman dominion. In addition to doing much to raise the international
esteem of Hungarian Turkish and Ottoman studies, he has also acquired
lasting honours in building and deepening Hungarian–Turkish cultural
connections. His efforts in this field go well beyond academia: for more than
ten years, as president of the Hungarian–Turkish Friendship Society, he
worked productively to increase the awareness of Hungarian culture and to
keep alive the memory of Hungarian statesmen (Imre Thököly, Ferenc Rákóczi
and the Kossuth-emigration) who once took refuge in the realm of the sultans.
His outlook is defined fundamentally by his commitment to his homeland
and his nation, and by the Christian values that he consistently but quietly
holds. He considers as the greatest gift of his life his chance to be present at the
birth of his four children and to see them growing up. Géza Dávid is a “man of
learning” (Bildungsbürger/ehl-i kalem) in the highest sense of the term, with
highly refined tastes. His love of the arts has been constant throughout his life.
His knowledge of music and painting is awe-inspiring, and he can recall from
memory the names and years of the most obscure Italian monuments. In
classical music, he is an “omnivore”, but he has a special place for Bartók,
Beethoven and Wagner.
It is thus no surprise that an eminent team of authors has gathered together
out of his close and wider friends, colleagues and admirers to present him, on
his seventieth birthday, with what hopefully many will find to be a book of real
substance. It is intended as more than an expression of our respect, an
encouragement for work that remains to be done in the coming years for the
benefit of all of us.
Géza, God bless you with many more birthdays! Şerefe!
On behalf of the editors
Pál Fodor
könyvtár. Okmánytárak, 1.) Budapest, 2005; Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor, „Ez az ügy fölöttébb fontos”. A szultáni tanács Magyarországra vonatkozó rendeletei (1559–1560, 1564–1565). (História
könyvtár. Okmánytárak, 6.) Budapest, 2009.
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L’ANATOLIE PRÉ-OTTOMANE SELON
UN CHOIX DE SOURCES DU
XIII ÈME SIÈCLE
Michel Balivet
Aix-Marseille Université, CNRS, IREMAM, Aix-en-Provence, France
michelbalivet@yahoo.fr
Homa Lessan Pezechki
Aix-Marseille Université, CNRS, IREMAM, Aix-en-Provence, France
homa.lessan-pezechki-sanii@univ-amu.fr
L’ANATOLIE DES SELDJOUKIDES AUX MONGOLS :
LE CONTEXTE HISTORIQUE
L’arrivée des Turcs sur le plateau anatolien, au milieu du XI
siècle, change radicalement les données politiques et ethniques de la partie asiatique de l’Empire
byzantin comme d’ailleurs de l’Arménie, annexée progressivement par le pouvoir
impérial grec au cours du même siècle. Après la victoire turque sur l’armée byzantine à Mantzikert en 1071, se mettent rapidement en place, dans la partie centrale
et orientale de la péninsule, des émirats turcs qui s’implantent durablement autour
de places-fortes stratégiques comme Konya/Ikonion (les Seldjoukides), Sivas/Sébaste (les Danichmendides), Erzincan/Arzingan (les Mengüdjékides), Erzurum/
Théodosiopolis (les Saltukides), etc.
Au XIIe siècle, l’essor de la dynastie seldjoukide de Konya rétablit progressivement l’unité de la partie musulmane de l’Anatolie, par l’annexion successive des
émirats turcs rivaux des Seldjoukides comme les Danichmendides, tandis que la
partie occidentale et côtière du pays reste entre les mains de la dynastie byzantine
e
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MICHEL BALIVET – HOMA LESSAN PEZECHKI
des Comnène qui régna sur l’empire de 1081 à 1185. Il y a donc, au milieu du XIIe
siècle, deux pouvoirs unitaires et centralisés, la Romanie byzantine à l’ouest et le
sultanat de Rûm au centre et à l’est, sans oublier dans le Taurus cilicien l’établissement d’une Petite Arménie autour de la dynastie Roubénienne.1
Au XIIIe siècle, deux facteurs extérieurs à l’Anatolie vont radicalement changer
la configuration du pays : premièrement, l’expulsion des Byzantins de Constantinople sous les coups des Croisés occidentaux en 1204, qui entraînera la constitution de plusieurs États byzantins en exil, dans les parties occidentale et pontique
de l’Anatolie (Nicée, Amisos, Trébizonde). Deuxièmement, au milieu du même
siècle, l’irruption des Mongols en Anatolie turque affaiblira progressivement puis
finalement fera disparaître le sultanat seldjoukide au tout début du XIVe siècle.
Dans cette période de morcellement du territoire, qui commence en 1204 avec
la prise de Constantinople par les Croisés et qui se continue avec l’écrasement des
Seldjoukides par les Mongols à la bataille de Köse Dagh en 1243, nous allons
tenter de comprendre le système de représentation que se font les Anatoliens de
leur territoire envisagé dans ses divisions et dans ses frontières. Ce système de
représentation concerne aussi les habitants de l’Anatolie, dans leur diversité linguistique et culturelle. Ces réalités, nous essaierons de les appréhender à partir de
quelques sources premières, musulmanes et chrétiennes, en utilisant principalement l’ouvrage majeur qu’est la chronique persane al-Awâmir al-‘alâ’iyya fî l-umûr
al-‘alâ’iyya,2 de l’historien seldjoukide Ibn Bîbî.3 Ce chroniqueur du XIIIe siècle
a écrit une histoire des Seldjoukides d’Asie-Mineure de 1192 à 1280 qui nous
donne des informations très précieuses sur la vie interne et la politique extérieure
du sultanat de Konya.
1 Dynastie arménienne issue de Roubên ou Roupên 1er seigneur de la forteresse de Partzerpert (litt. Haut château) dans le Taurus, qui régna sur la Cilicie de 1080 jusqu’en 1225.
2 االوامر العالئیه فى االمور العالئیه
3 Sur la vie et l’œuvre de ce personnage cf. Michel Balivet, Homa Lessan Pezechki et Renée
Mounier, Les Turcs seldjoukides d’Anatolie du XIe au XIVe siècle. Une anthologie des sources
premières. Vol. 1. Les sources persanes, Ibn Bîbî. Aix-en-Provence, 2016, 63, sqq.
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L’ANATOLIE PRÉ-OTTOMANE
LA PERCEPTION DE L’ESPACE ANATOLIEN PAR
LE CHRONIQUEUR IBN BÎBÎ
Les mots utilisés
Si l’on consulte notre chroniqueur, on réalise rapidement qu’il a une vive conscience
de l’éclatement territoriale anatolien à son époque. Il distingue nettement les
marches frontières, zones de turbulence dominées par les nomades, en utilisant
des termes comme اوجûdj, « extrémité, lisière, bord », ثغورsoqur, « confins, places
frontières, défilés non fortifiés », دربندdarband, « endroit facile à défendre, défilés,
pont, fort, etc. ». Ces zones périphériques sont clairement différenciées des territoires stables et disciplinés sous le contrôle direct des divers pouvoirs politiques
centralisés : le dâr al-molk دارالملکseldjoukide, autour de Konya, capitale du sultanat, Armen khette ارمن خطه, le pays d’Arménie, Khette-ye Teflis خطه ی تفلیس, le pays
de Tiflis, velâyat-e Gorj والیت گرج, la Géorgie, molk-e Jânit « ملک جانیتterritoire
de Jânit », velâyat-e Lashkari والیت لشکریou belâd-e Lashkari « بالد لشکریÉtat
byzantin des Lascarides de Nicée », etc.
Une double typologie de l’aire anatolienne : les pays « infidèles »
et les territoires nomades
En une période où le sultanat seldjoukide a annexé tous ses concurrents turcs
d’Anatolie (Danichmendides, Saltukides, etc.), les seules spécifications politiques
qui se détachent comme des éléments allogènes dans la péninsule, sont les États
chrétiens et les groupes nomades ou d’origine nomade. En ce qui concerne les « infidèles », il s’agit de plusieurs groupes de principautés chrétiennes, soit byzantines
(Rûm),4 soit arméniennes (Armen), soit caucasiennes (géorgienne, گرجGorj, et
abkhaze, ابخازAbkhâz).
Une mention spéciale doit être réservée aux Francs, terme qui désigne, dans les
sources du temps, les chrétiens d’Occident, religieusement dépendant du pape.
Ces Francs sont présents en Anatolie où ils opèrent en tant que mercenaires. Leur
4 Où plus rarement yûnân, ملک یونانmolk-e yunân (texte persan : 97), « le pays grec » : Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 135.
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particularité est qu’ils sont signalés aussi bien dans l’armée byzantine que chez les
Seldjoukides car les deux États les apprécient pour leurs grandes qualités guerrières. Ibn Bîbî brosse un tableau très précis de ces Francs, omniprésents politiquement et militairement tant à Constantinople qu’à Konya.
À Byzance, ils se sentent suffisamment puissants pour venir réclamer leur solde
en retard à l’empereur, allant jusqu’à interrompre le cérémonial de la cour et insulter une délégation turque reçue par le souverain byzantin.5 Les contingents Francs
de l’armée seldjoukide affrontent avec succès aussi bien des derviches en révolte6
que l’armée mongole. Istankos, le chef des Francs est qualifié par Ibn Bîbî de guerrier « héroïque au combat ».7 Un général seldjoukide affirme avec conviction : « Si
l’on me donnait mille cavaliers Francs, j’irais affronter les Mongols – même si Dieu
les assistait et Il est puissant ! – et je reviendrais vainqueur. »8
Ibn Bîbî, en dehors de leurs qualités guerrières, les juge très négativement : « La
haine et l’envie brûlent le cœur des Francs. »9 Ce sont des blasphémateurs, ayant
toujours à la bouche «… des paroles diffamatoires et inconvenantes »;10 sans scrupules, ils rançonnent les marchands.11 Ils sont inaccessibles à la pitié, « plus impitoyables que la colère du ciel et que la mort soudaine »;12 et l’un d’entre eux, en
pleine bataille, assassine par traîtrise le sultan Kay-Khosrow : « Soudain, un Franc
inconnu s’approcha du sultan qui ne lui prêta pas attention, pensant qu’il faisait
partie de la cour victorieuse. Lorsque ce Franc passa près du sultan, il fit volte-face
et, d’un coup de lance ouvrit la porte du Paradis à la douce âme du sultan. »13
Quant aux nomades, il y a tout d’abord les Mongols qui sont appelés soit مغول
moqol, soit تاتارtâtâr, et leurs institutions et titulatures particulières : یارلیغyarligh (yârliq : ordre royal, diplôme, chiffre du prince en tête d’un ordre), پایزهpaïza,
(pâyze : diplôme royal, veste d’honneur, présent honorifique, privilège, exemption,
5
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 86.
6
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 125.
7
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 218.
8
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 220.
9
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 87.
10 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 97.
11 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 154.
12 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 131.
13 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 99.
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L’ANATOLIE PRÉ-OTTOMANE
immunité),14 ایلخانIlkhân (titre des souverains de la dynastie mongole qui gouverna la Perse aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles), et نویانNoyân (titre mongol désignant des
chefs de clan héréditaires puis, à partir de Gengis Khan, c’est un grade militaire
correspondant à un officier commandant 10.000 hommes).15
Les Khwârizmiens correspondent, quant à eux, à des groupes issus de la dislocation d’un grand Empire d’Asie-Centrale vaincu par les Mongols et qui offrent
leur service armé, un peu partout, dans le Proche-Orient quand ils ne se livrent
pas à des actes de brigandage que souligne Ibn Bîbî en disant que « … les soldats
Khwârizmiens erraient dans ces pays (Arménie, Géorgie, Syrie) et étaient des voleurs de grand chemin ».16
Tout au long du récit de Ibn Bîbî, on voit apparaître, outre les clans kurdes de
vieille tradition guerrière et pillarde, des groupes tribaux d’origine géographique et
d’ethnies très diverses : les Aghtsheri-s, les Daylamites, les Qazwînîtes et les Germyân-s.17
Les Aghtsheri-s, littéralement « les hommes des arbres », sont décrits ainsi par
Ibn Bîbî : « …à cause des Aghtsheri-s, dont le pays d’origine était la steppe et les
forêts de Maraş,18 qui étaient des bandits de grands chemins, qui faisaient des razzias, pillaient les caravanes, faisaient des incursions dans les pays de Rûm, en Syrie
et en Arménie. Les émirs de l’État furent soucieux et consternés en leur cœur. »19
Ces Aghtsheri-s20 étaient des Turcomans d’Asie-Centrale qui avaient fui les Mongols et s’étaient éparpillés depuis l’Iran jusqu’à la Syrie et à l’Anatolie.
De même les Qazwînites et les Daylamites, populations originaires des provinces caspiennes de l’Iran, longtemps rivales, se retrouvent désorganisées par la
conquête mongole (massacre de Qazvin, etc.) et, comme le précise Ibn Bîbî, pour
certains d’entre eux, ils s’engagent comme mercenaires dans l’armée seldjoukide :
« Cinq cents chefs de l’armée, des Qazwînîtes, des Daylamites et des Francs, plus
14 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 222, etc.
15 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 224, etc.
16 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 188.
17 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 229.
18 Aujourd’hui Kahramanmaraş, en Turquie, dans le massif du Taurus.
19 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 232–233.
20 A l’époque contemporaine une partie de ce groupe s’est fixé dans le Khûzistân d’Iran et a
donné son nom à la ville de آغاجاری, Aghâjâri.
21
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MICHEL BALIVET – HOMA LESSAN PEZECHKI
impitoyables que la colère du ciel et que la mort soudaine, marchaient à côté de
l’étrier du seigneur des esclaves. »21
Quant aux Germyân-s, appelés à jouer un rôle prédominant après la disparition
des Seldjoukides au XIVe siècle,22 leur identité a donné lieu à diverses hypothèses.
Ce sont probablement des Kurdes, mêlés à des éléments turcs, installés dans la
région de Kirkûk,23 nommés dans les sources médiévales Garmâkân24 et Bêth Garmaï. Quoi qu’il en soit, notre source seldjoukide, Ibn Bîbî, hésite fortement sur
leur identité dans les trois passages où il les cite. Dans le premier passage, les Germyân-s sont nettement distingués des Kurdes lorsque notre auteur évoque des
troupes formés d’une foule de Kurdes et de Germyân25 « کردان و گرمیانKordân va
Garmiân ». Ailleurs, il est question d’un général khwârizmien qui rallie « les Turcs
de Germyân ( ترکان گرمیانTorkân-e Garmiân) dont il obtint la docilité par des
promesses et de l’argent ».26 Ici, d’après la syntaxe du persan, Germyân semble être
une région.
Dans le troisième et dernier passage concernant les Germyân-s, il est question
de l’armée du Sultan Seldjoukide dont l’ « aile gauche (est) formée de Turcs et de
Germyân-s ( اتراک و گرمیانAtrâk va Garmiân) »,27 Ibn Bîbï distinguant expressément l’entité Germyân et l’entité Turque.
Si l’on consulte les sources byzantines, comme Nicétas Choniatès,28 il est question d’autres troupes d’origine nomade qui servent comme mercenaires en Anatolie comme les Petchenègues (Πατζινẚκοι) ou les Coumans (Κούμανοι).
21 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 131.
22 Selon Ibn Battûta les Germyâns « troupe de brigands », à partir de la ville de Kütahya,
attaquaient les voyageurs. Comme on le sait, c’est depuis cette ville qu’ils créèrent un émirat
turcoman puissant, en Anatolie occidentale qui perdura jusqu’en 1429. C. Defremery et B. R.
Sanguinetti, Voyages d’Ibn Battûta. Texte arabe accompagné d’une traduction, préface et notes de
Vincent Monteil. Tome II. Paris, 1979, 270–271.
23 J. H. Kramers, Th. Bois, ‘Kirkûk’, Encyclopédie de l’Islam. Vol. V. 2ème éd. Leiden, Paris.
1986, 147; Mustafa Çetin Varlık, Germiyan-oǧulları Tarihi (1300–1429). Ankara, 1974, 2, sqq.
24 En persan, « lieu chaud », la région continue à s’appeler Garmiân.
25 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 215.
26 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 216.
27 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 217.
28 Harry J. Magoulias (trad.), O City of Byzantium: Annals of Niketas Choniatès. (Wayne
State Byzantine Textes in Translation) Detroit, 1984, 17, 100.
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DE QUELQUES PERSONNALITÉS NON-MUSULMANES
MISES EN RELIEF PAR IBN BÎBÎ
On peut présenter ces personnages sous deux catégories : les princes chrétiens
rivaux des seldjoukides, l’empereur de Nicée, le roi d’Arménie, les princes de Trébizonde et les souverains d’Abkhazie et de Géorgie. Le deuxième groupe de personnalités évoqué par Ibn Bîbî est celui des Byzantins, des Francs et des Géorgiens qui
se sont intégrés à la société seldjoukide.
Les souverains non-musulmans rivaux des Seldjoukides
Au premier rang des rivaux des Seldjoukides se trouve le souverain de Nicée
Théodore Lascaris dont le nom est curieusement d’origine persane, laškari « militaire ». Selon Ibn Bîbî, Lascaris a des relations mitigées avec le Sultan. Il tarde
à payer le tribut qu’il lui doit29 et son arrogance pousse le Sultan à l’attaquer.30
Les deux souverains s’affrontèrent lors de la bataille d’Antioche du Méandre (juin
1211) dans laquelle Kay-Khosrow trouva la mort.
Le deuxième souverain byzantin contre qui les Seldjoukides font la guerre est
Alexis Comnène, fondateur de l’État byzantin de Trébizonde, celui que Ibn Bîbî
appelle Kir Alex. Dans le texte persan, Kir Alex « … avait commis un extraordinaire
crime en entrant sur les terres du Sultan qu’il ravagea »;31 le souverain turc contrattaque et s’empare de Kir Alex qu’il fait torturer puis que, finalement, il libère à condition que le Byzantin livre aux Turcs la ville de Sinope et se déclare son vassal.
Le prince étranger suivant est l’Arménien Lifon, premier roi de Petite-Arménie, qui
accueille avec honneur le Sultan Kay-Khosrow Ier en exil. Plus loin dans le texte de Ibn
Bîbî, Lifon reçoit les ambassadeurs du nouveau sultan Kay-Kâus et échange des présents avec eux.32 Par la suite, les relations turco-arméniennes se gâtent, Lifon tardant à
payer tribut, ce qui pousse le sultan à envahir la Petite-Arménie.33 Bien que « hésitant
29
30
31
32
33
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 88–98.
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 98.
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 109.
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 100–101, 103.
Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 113.
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MICHEL BALIVET – HOMA LESSAN PEZECHKI
et craintif »,34 Lifon tente de résister. Avec l’aide de ses généraux dont Ibn Bîbî détaille
l’état-major : le Connétable (kondestabl), et les barons Fâsîl, Ôshîn, et Nôshîn.35
Un cas particulier est celui de la reine d’Abkhazie, Rusudan qui régna de 1223
à 1245. Devant la progression des armées seldjoukides sur son territoire, elle tenta
d’arrêter l’invasion en proposant une alliance matrimoniale turco-abkhaze. Il est à
noter, comme nous le verrons plus loin, que les reines de Géorgie semblent souvent
avoir pris elles-mêmes l’initiative de trouver des époux dans les pays voisins, musulmans compris. La reine Rusudan s’exprime ainsi à l’intention du Sultan seldjoukide «
… il nous vient à l’esprit de faire entrer notre charmante enfant – qui est née des reins
de Seldjouk et qui descend de David36 dans la chambre nuptiale du prince de l’islam
Ghiyâth al-Dîn Kay-Khosrow ».37 Il s’agit ici de la fille de Rusudan et du fils ainé de
Mughîth al-Dîn Tughrilshâh, converti au christianisme pour épouser Rusudan.38
Les chrétiens intégrés dans la société seldjoukide
Si l’on en croit les témoignages de voyageurs comme Guillaume de Rubrouck
39
ou Marco Polo, l’Anatolie sous régime turc, reste largement chrétienne au XIIIe
40
34 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 114.
35 Le texte persan conserve le titre arméno-franc Baron بارون, Ôshin était un nom arménien
très courant. Quant à Nôshîn il pourrait être le diminutif de Anushirvân « انوشیروانl’âme immortelle » sachant que les Arméniens portent à l’occasion des noms persans.
36 Il s’agit de David surnommé le Reconstructeur (1072–1125) qui rendit à la Géorgie son
indépendance.
37 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 187.
38 Claude Cahen, La Turquie Pré-ottomane. Istanbul, Paris, 1988, 79–80.
39 « De la Turquie, vous saurez qu’il n’y a pas un habitant sur dix qui soit sarrasin. Au contraire, tous sont Arméniens ou Grecs. » Guillaume de Rubrouck, Voyage dans l’Empire mongol : 1253–1255. Traduction et commentaire Claude et René Kappler. Paris, 1985, 244. Sous
Mas’ûd Ier (1116–1156), cela est confirmé par une source orientale de la même époque, l’Histoire des patriarches d’Alexandrie : « …La plus grande partie du territoire de ce sultan est occupée
par des sujets grecs ; à cause de sa justice et de son bon gouvernement, les Grecs préfèrent vivre
sous son administration », cité par Osman Turan, ‘Les souverains seldjoukides et leurs sujets
non musulmans’, Studia Islamica 1 (1953) 65–100, surtout 76.
40 En Anatolie, à côté des Turcomans, « …les autres gens sont Ermins et Grex, qui demeurent en villes et en chastiaus et vivent de marchandises et d’arts ». Marco Polo, Le devi-
24
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L’ANATOLIE PRÉ-OTTOMANE
siècle. Populations grecques et arméniennes résident en partie dans leur habitat
historique d’origine, anciens Thèmes byzantins et territoires arméniens jadis indépendants. Outre le peuple, les élites civiles et militaires locales41 se mettent à l’occasion au service des Seldjoukides, sans oublier les transfuges et autres réfugiés politiques byzantins fuyant leurs rivaux et venant se mettre à l’abri à Konya comme,
par exemple, le frère puis le neveu de l’empereur Jean II Comnène42 ou plus tard
Michel Paléologue devenu indésirable dans l’État byzantin de Nicée. Michel VIII
Paléologue, en effet, avant d’accéder au trône byzantin, s’exila un temps à Konya
où il fut général dans l’armée seldjoukide, adoptant pour la circonstance le surnom
musulman (laqab) de Sarimeddîn, « le glaive de la religion ».43 Selon le chroniqueur
byzantin Georges Pachymèrès, le sultan «…le reçoit avec joie et l’honore comme il
convient. Là-dessus, bien qu’en terre étrangère, Michel fait campagne avec les Turcs
sous l’étendard (seldjoukide) et se distingue contre les ennemis du sultan ».44
L’imbrication culturelle et linguistique est accentuée par le phénomène des mariages interethniques, princesse géorgienne épousant un sultan turc, souverain seldjoukide ayant une épouse grecque, dignitaire byzantin donnant sa fille à un souverain
turc, prince impérial byzantin converti à l’islam et épousant la fille du sultan, etc. Ces
parents et alliés chrétiens des sultans ont souvent une grande influence politique et
culturelle comme la mère45 et les deux oncles grecs du sultan Izzeddîn Kay-Kâûs II.
sement du monde. Tome I. Départ des voyageurs et traversée de la Perse. Édition critique sous la
direction de Philippe Ménard. Genève, 2001, 137.
41 Comme les Gavras de Trébizonde dont plusieurs membres passèrent au service des sultans de Konya. On en connaît cinq qui, entre 1146 et 1236, occupèrent des positions en vue à
la cour seldjoukide, tel Ikhtiyâr al-Dîn Hasan bin Gavrâs, conseiller devenu musulman de Kiliç
Arslân II (Cahen, La Turquie Pré-ottomane, 57) ou d’autres membres de cette famille restés
chrétiens (Michel Balivet, Mélanges Byzantins, Seldjoukides et Ottomans. Istanbul, 2005, 70, 76).
42 Isaac Comnène se réfugie une première fois chez les Turcs en compagnie de son fils Jean,
lequel, après être revenu quelques temps avec son père à Byzance, finit par s’installer définitivement à Konya où il devient musulman et épouse la fille du sultan Mas’ûd. Magoulias (trad.),
O City of Byzantium, 19, 21, 31.
43 Cahen, La Turquie Pré-ottomane, 242, citant Baybars al-Mansurî.
44 Georges Pachymérès, Relations historiques. Vol. 1. Édition et traduction Albert Failler et
Vitalien Laurent. Paris, 1984.
45 Nous voyons ici, un exemple de personnalité féminine chrétienne, femme du Sultan puis
de Grand Vizir qui tint un rôle politique important entre 1237 et 1262, comme la sultane géorgienne, disciple de Mowlânâ dont il va être question plus loin dans le texte.
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L’un des exemples les plus dynamiques de dignitaire grec passé au service des
Seldjoukides est Manuel Maurozomès, celui que Ibn Bîbî appelle Mavrozom. Ce
haut fonctionnaire de Byzance qui, après avoir été César à la cour de Constantinople46 fut promu par le sultan comme « dignitaire de haut rang »47 et gouverneur
de plusieurs places-fortes turques.48
Construction ou déconstruction de l’image de l’Autre
D
ans Ibn Bîbî, les Grecs pour lesquels les Seldjoukides ont une certaine estime
sont nommés par leur titre ou par leur nom de famille comme Lashkari (Lascaris),
Mavrozom (Maurosomès), émir Komninos (l’émir Comnène) ou Sarimeddîn (Michel Paléologue). Par contre les personnages impopulaires et décriés par les élites
seldjoukides sont affublés par dérision d’un sobriquet à double sens. Ibn Bîbî joue
alors sur l’homophonie entre le grec, Kyr « Seigneur » et le persan kir qui est une
manière très vulgaire pour désigner le membre viril, se moquant des ennemis du
Sultanat comme Kir Alex ( کیرالکسle prince Alexis Comnène fondateur de l’État
de Trébizonde) ou le gouverneur chrétien d’Alanya, Kir Farid کیر فرید.
Le cas le plus flagrant d’appellation dépréciative est écrit par Ibn Bîbî à l’adresse
des deux oncles de Izzeddîn Kay-Kâûs II, personnages particulièrement détestés
à la cour seldjoukide. Le premier est appelé, à la persane, Kir Kadid ( کیر کدیدdu
grec Kattidios/Candidus). Le cas du second Kir Khâye,49 کیرخایهorthographié ainsi
par deux auteurs mamelouks cités par Shukurov50 est probablement encore plus
injurieux car il associerait sous un vocable très gossier la verge et les testicules.
46 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 87.
47 Balivet, Lessan Pezechki, Mounier, op. cit., 94.
48 Sur ce personnage et sa famille voir désormais Sophie Metivier, ‘Les Maurozômai, Byzance et le sultanat de Rûm. Note sur le sceau de Jean Comnène Maurozômès’, Revue des Etudes
Byzantines 67 (2009) 197–207, et Sara Nur Yıldız, ‘Manuel Komnenos Mavrozomes and his
Descendants at the Seljuk Court: The Formation of a Christian Seljuk-Komnenian Elite’, in
Stefan Leder (ed.), Crossroads between Latin Europe and the Near East: Corollaries of the Frankish
Presence in the Eastern Mediterranean (12th–14th Centuries). Würzburg, 2011, 55–77.
49 Dans le texte persan, chez Ibn Bîbî (p. 297) on lit kar khyâ کرخیاce qui ne permet pas de
décrypter le terme grec d’origine.
50 Rustam Shukorov, The Byzantine Turks 1204–1461. Leiden, Boston, 2016, 110.
26
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LANGUES ET CULTURES EN MÉLANGE :
MULTICULTURES URBAINES ET INSTITUTIONS
COMPOSITES
Konya la gréco-turque et Erzincan l’arméno-turque
D
eux villes d’Anatolie peuvent être prises à titre d’illustration de la forte imbrication linguistique et socio-culturelle au XIIIe siècle. À Konya, capitale du sultanat
seldjoukide, trois langues, vecteurs de trois cultures dominent : le persan, le turc et
le grec. La première est celle des élites politiques, culturelles et religieuses. Quant
au turc, c’est la langue maternelle de la plupart des dirigeants seldjoukides, et aussi
de la majorité de la population musulmane des villes et des campagnes. Ces dernières sont parcourues par des tribus nomades qui ne seront jamais iranisées et
qui finiront par imposer progressivement le turc comme langue dominante dès la
fin du XIIIe siècle.
Pour ce qui est du grec, il reste la langue d’une grosse partie de la population et
il est souvent connu par les intellectuels musulmans comme le célèbre Mowlânâ51
et son fils Sultan Valad qui écrivirent un certain nombre de poème en grec.
Sultan Valad réunit dans un même poème (ghazal 582 du Divân) des vers turcs,
grecs et persans :
کرد لر سن سن که بن دیری الم
ایال ابو بسی کند مو خرسی کرا
Kerdler sen sin ki ben dırı alım (turc)
ela apopse konda mu xrisi Kira (grec)
Tu es l’acte qui me (donne) la capacité de vie
Viens ce soir près de moi, Dame d’or
روز و شب شادی تو از خوبی خود
ایال ذو نیذو کیغو کرذ یا خرا
Ruz o šab šâdi-ye to az xubi-ye xod (persan) ela d.o na id.o ke : go kard.ia xara (grec)
Jour et nuit ta joie s’exhale de ta beauté viens ici que je voie moi aussi le cœur (et) la joie
La deuxième métropole que l’on peut prendre comme exemple multiculturelle est
la ville d’Erzincan ou se mêlent étroitement la langue de la majorité chrétienne, l’arménien, celle des musulmans locaux, le turc, et la langue de la culture dominante,
le persan. Il semblerait que la pluralité linguistique et l’interaction inter-religieuse
51 Dans son Divân-e Kabir, Mowlâna associe sans hésitation, grec et persan. Son ghazal 1207
est un bon exemple de la cohabitation du grec et du persan car il fait rimer les strophes persanes
en les terminant par des mots grecques, anemos, anthropos, angelos, vassilios, etc.
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fassent partie intégrante de la vie quotidienne d’Erzincan. A titre d’illustration
spectaculaire de ce triculturalisme, R. Goshgarian cite un auteur arménien nommé Toros de Taron qui écrit un poème en turc,52 en caractères arménien tout en
utilisant abondamment des termes et des concepts littéraires persans, il s’agit d’un
poème composite désigné par le terme de molamma ()ملمع.53 Goshgarian évoque
également le terme de poésie macaronique.54 Le poème décrit le tremblement de
terre de 1287 qui a dévasté Erzincan et est composé de 14 strophes dont dix lignes
en arméno-turc ou hayatar t’urk’eren. Goshgarian présente le texte turc en caractère
arménien dont la traduction est la suivante :
52 Rachel Goshgarian, ‘Futuwwa in Thirteenth-Century Rûm and Armenia: Reform Movements and the Managing of Multiple Allegiances on the Seljuk Periphery’, in C. S. Peacock
and Sara Nur Yɩldɩz (eds.), Seljuks of Anatolia: Court and Society in the Medieval Middle East.
London, 2013, 244–245.
53 La signification première de ce terme désigne un objet de différentes couleurs, ainsi que
la robe polychrome des chevaux ou autres animaux. En persan ( دوزبانگیdo zabânegi) : deux
langues.
54 Ce mot fut inventé au XVe siècle en Italie pour décrire des poésies en italien auxquelles on
ajoute une syntaxe et des terminaisons latines.
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L’ANATOLIE PRÉ-OTTOMANE
Bugün vereyim sana haber
Deǧil estaǧfurullah ve ekbar
Haktan geldi bize zaval
Erzincan oldu derbeder
Böyle zaval görmemiş idim
Hiç görünmez çarşı Pazar
Bügün nazik yiǧitler
Damlar altında nice var
Kalmadı gancin ve arasta
Hiç görünmez çarşı Pazar
Aujourd’hui, laissez-moi te donner des nouvelles
Non pas estaǧfurullah et akbar55
Une calamité nous est venue de Dieu,
Erzincan a été anéanti,
Une telle destruction, je n’ai jamais vu,
Il ne reste rien du marché et du bazar
Aujourd’hui, les honnêtes gens
Combien sont-ils sous les toits ?
Rien ne reste des trésors et des boutiques
Il ne reste rien du marché et du bazar.
Des institutions composites
L’enchevêtrement culturel rejaillit aussi sur les institutions et les titulatures : Chez
Ibn Bîbî, il est question dans l’administration seldjoukide de « notaires » (nôtârân),
55 Selon nous il ne faut pas traduire comme Goshgarian « Say ‘May the Lord protect us,
God is great’ », car deǧil étant une négation ne peut pas être traduit pas « say ». Le sens du vers
doit être : il n’est pas lieu dans de telles circonstances, de dire des formules laudatives comme
estaǧfurullah et ekbar, ce que confirme le vers d’après qui attribue cette calamité à la volonté
divine. Goshgarian, ‘Futuwwa’, 245.
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MICHEL BALIVET – HOMA LESSAN PEZECHKI
de « connétables » (kontestabl), termes d’origine occidentale, qui s’entremêlent avec
des titres turcs (atabek, ataman), arméniens (tekfur), byzantins (vasiliûs, qaysar) ou,
comme on l’a vu plus haut, mongols (noyan, yarligh).
UNE SURIMPOSITION DES TRADITIONS
ICONOGRAPHIQUES
Icônes byzantines et miniatures persanes
L’étroite fusion de plusieurs cultures nous conduit à nous poser la question de la
position adoptée par une société seldjoukide venant se superposer à un soubassement byzantin que l’on pourrait qualifier d’« hyper-iconodoule »56 soit depuis
la fin de la crise iconoclaste au IXe siècle. En effet l’art byzantin connait un développement intense de tout ce qui est images ou fresques représentant le Christ, la
Vierge Marie et les saints, peintures couvrant intégralement les murs et les coupoles des églises et des monastères anatoliens. Or, comme on le sait, la figuration
de l’être humain est normalement interdite en islam, avec cependant la restriction
de taille de la tradition esthétique du monde iranien où la représentation du visage
humain a toujours résisté à l’aniconisme ambiant.57
Ainsi, on constate que, dans l’Anatolie du XIIIe siècle, les autorités politiques
musulmanes non seulement ne s’opposent pas à l’édification ou à la décoration des
églises mais elles les encouragent parfois, en finançant par exemple les fresques de
certaines églises de Cappadoce.58
56 Les « iconodoules » sont les partisans des images opposés aux « iconoclastes » à l’époque
de la grande crise qui divisa la société byzantine pour savoir s’il était licite de représenter par une
image Dieu, le Christ, la Vierge Marie et les Saints.
57 Sur le thème du portrait et ses développements philosophiques en milieu irano-musulman voir Yves Porter et Richard Castinel, ‘Le portrait dans l’Orient musulman pré-moderne :
une décantation du modèle en son essence’, in Houari Touati (éd.), De la figuration humaine au
portrait dans l’art islamique. Leiden, Boston, 2015.
58 Comme l’église Saint-Georges d’Ihlara (Kırk dam altı kilisesi) « …décorée, comme le dit l’inscription de l’église, avec l’aide de Dame Thamar et de l’Amirouzès Basile Giagoupès sous le règne
de Masut (II), Andronic (II) régnant sur les Romains ». Shukorov, The Byzantine Turks, 202.
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Le portrait et l’amour selon Nézâmi
L
es textes historiques et hagiographiques que nous allons présenter ci-dessous
semblent se reporter à des prototypes littéraires persans prestigieux faisant intervenir l’art du portrait.
Prenons le roman Khosrow et Chirine du grand poète Nézâmi (1140–1202). Ce
dernier utilise le thème du portrait, en évoquant dans son ouvrage, les amours entre
le roi sassanide, Khosrow et la princesse arménienne, Chirine. Celle-ci tombe amoureuse d’un portrait accroché à un arbre dans un jardin par les soins de l’ami de Khosrow, Shahpour, qui voulait éveiller l’amour de la princesse arménienne :59 « Devant
l’aimable femme on plaça le portrait et elle s’abîma devant lui plusieurs heures ; son
cœur ne consentait point à s’en détacher ; elle ne pouvait le prendre dans ses bras ;
mais à chaque regard elle s’en enivrait ; à chaque coupe bue elle perdait l’esprit ; elle
sentait son cœur vaincu par le désir ; quand on le lui cachait, elle le retrouvait. »60
Et quand Chirine demande à voir l’artiste, celui-ci se présente ainsi :61 « Je suis le
peintre, qui, traçant au compas, ai créé ce portrait du roi des rois Khosrow. Or, tout
portrait exécuté par un artiste est ressemblant mais il n’est pas doué de vie ; que si l’on
m’apprit à reproduire les formes, Dieu leur cousit là-haut le manteau de la vie ; étant
ainsi devant le portrait de Khosrow, vois comment tu seras lorsque tu le verras ! »62
59 Nézami Ganjavi, Le roman de Chosroès et Chirine. Trad. Henri Massé. Paris, 1970, 28.
60
به خوبان گفت کان صورت بیارید
که کرد است این رقم پنهان مدارید
دلبند پیش بیاوردند صورت
بر آن صورت فرو شد ساعتی چند
نه دل میداد ازو دل بر گرفتن
شایستش اندر بر گرفتن نه می
بهر دیداری ازوی مست میشد
به هر جامی که خورد از دست میشد
چو میکردند پنهان باز میجست چو میدید از هوش میشد دلش سست
61
62
Nézami, Le roman, 34.
من آن صورتگرم کز نقش پرگار
ز خسرو کردم این صورت نمودار
هر آنصورت که صورتگر نگارد
نشان دارد ولیکن جان ندارد
مرا صورت گری آموختستند
قبای جان دگر جا دوختستند
چو تو بر صورت خسرو چنینی
ببین تا چون بود کاو را ببینی
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MICHEL BALIVET – HOMA LESSAN PEZECHKI
Peintres byzantins et soufis : des contacts attestés
Ce qui est très étonnant, c’est que des maîtres spirituels musulmans aussi presti-
gieux que le grand soufi andalou Ibn Arabî (1165–1241) ou le fondateur des derviches tourneurs, Mowlânâ Djallâleddin Rûmi (1207–1273), ne répugnent pas,
lors de leur séjour à Konya, à fréquenter des peintres grecs et même à accepter de
se faire portraiturer comme le montrent les textes suivants.
Dans la vie de Mowlânâ, il est question d’une histoire au scénario amoureux très
proche de celui de Nézâmi ; il ne s’agit pas ici d’une Arménienne mais d’une Géorgienne et l’amour qu’elle porte à Mowlânâ est un amour spirituel mais le vecteur
de ce sentiment très fort est également un portrait :63 « …L’épouse du sultan, Gurdji-Khâtoûn (Que Dieu l’ait en sa miséricorde !) qui était une des amie sincère et
disciple du Maître, et qui brûlait constamment du feu du désir de voir Mowlânâ, par
un concours de circonstance, voulut se rendre à Kayseri. Comme le sultan ne pouvait
rien lui refuser, parce qu’elle était distinguée et d’une grande fermeté d’opinion, et
que, d’un autre côté, elle ne pouvait pas supporter la brûlure que lui causait l’absence
de Mowlânâ, le sultan fit appeler un peintre qui était un second Manès pour la peinture et le tracé des figures. On l’appelait ‘Aïn-ed-daula Rûmi. Il lui ordonna de fixer
sur un carton le portrait de Mowlânâ, et il fallait qu’il le peignît avec une extrême
beauté, afin qu’il fût le compagnon de l’âme dans le voyage de la Dame. Donc ‘Aïn-eddaula se rendit auprès de Mowlânâ avec quelques personnes sûres, afin de l’informer
de cette histoire. Avant qu’il prononçât un mot, le Maître lui dit : C’est avantageux
si tu le peux. Cependant, ‘Aïn-ed-daula, ayant pris ses pinceaux à la main, s’avança ;
Mowlânâ se tenait debout ; le peintre jeta un coup d’œil et s’occupa de tracer la figure ; il dessina sur un carton un portrait extrêmement délicat ; il vit alors que ce
n’était pas ce qu’il avait d’abord vu ; il jeta un autre dessin sur un autre carton ; quand
le portrait fut terminé, il parut une tout autre figure ; ainsi de suite sur vingt cartons
diversement coloriés, il traça des figures ; plus il en peignait, et plus il les considérait,
plus il voyait la figure de tout autre façon. L’infortuné peintre resta stupéfait ; il poussa un cri, brisa ses pinceaux, et, reconnaissant son impuissance, se prosterna. »
63 Ahmad Aflâki, Manâkib al-‘Ârefin. Les Saints des Derviches Tourneurs. 2 vols. Trad. C.
Huart. Paris, 1918–1922, réed. 1978, I. 333–334.
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L’ANATOLIE PRÉ-OTTOMANE
Autre texte, tiré de la vie de Mowlânâ qui se passe également à Konya :64 « Kalo-Yani le peintre et ‘ Aïn-ed-daula étaient deux peintres grecs incomparables dans
cet art et dans celui de la représentation des figures ; ils étaient devenus disciple
de Mowlânâ. Kalo-Yani dit un jour : –A Constantinople, on a représenté sur un
tableau les figures de Marie et de Jésus, sans pareils comme le sont leurs deux modèles. Les peintres du monde entier sont venus et n’ont pas pu reproduire de pareilles figures. ‘Aïn-ed-daula, mu par le désir intense de voir ce tableau, se mit en
route, séjourna un an dans ce grand couvent de Constantinople [où le tableau était
conservé], et se mit au service des moines qui y habitaient. Une nuit, ayant trouvé
l’occasion favorable, il mit ce tableau sous son bras et partit. Arrivé a Konya, il rendit
visite a Mowlânâ : –Ou étais tu ?, lui demanda celui-ci. Il raconta l’aventure du
tableau. –Voyons ce charmant tableau, dit Mowlânâ ; Il faut qu’il soit bien beau et
gracieux. Après l’avoir contemplé longuement, il reprit : –Ces deux belles figures
se plaignent amèrement de toi ; Elles disent : –il n’est pas droit dans l’amour qu’il
a pour nous ; C’est un faux amoureux ; –Comment cela ?, dit le peintre. –Elles
disent : nous ne dormons ni ne mangeons jamais, nous veillons la nuit et nous
jeûnons le jour, tandis que ‘Aïn-ed-daula nous a abandonné ; Il dort la nuit et
mange le jour, il n’est positivement pas d’accord avec nous. –Il est absolument impossible, dit le peintre, qu’elles dorment et qu’elles mangent ; Elles ne peuvent pas
parler, ce sont des figures sans âme. –Toi qui es une figure avec âme, dit Mowlânâ,
qui possède tant d’arts, et qui a été fabriqué par un Créateur dont l’œuvre se compose de l’univers, est-il permis que tu le délaisses et que tu tombes amoureux d’une
peinture sans âme et sans idée ? »
Ibn Arabî, lors de son séjour à Konya à partir de 1205, raconte les contacts qu’il
entretint avec un iconographe (musavver):65 « C’est du Nom Divin, le Producteur (alBâri), que naît l’inspiration aux peintres pour apporter la beauté et la juste harmonie
à leurs peintures. A cet égard, je fus témoin d’une chose remarquable à Konya en terre
grecque. Il y avait un certain peintre que nous avions révélé et aidé dans son art pour
la juste faculté représentative (takhayyul) dont il manquait. Un jour, il peignit une perdrix et dissimula un défaut presque imperceptible. Il me l’apporta ensuite pour mettre
64 Aflâki, Manâkib Al-‘Ârefin, II. 69.
65 Ibn Arabi, Les soufis d’Andalousie. Trad. Gérard Leconte, M. Allard. Paris, 1978, 36.
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à l’épreuve mon acuité artistique. Il l’avait peinte sur un grand tableau,66 de façon que
son image eût une taille grandeur nature. Il y avait dans la maison un faucon qui,
quand il vit le tableau, se précipita dessus, pensant que c’était une vraie perdrix avec son
plumage en couleurs. Effectivement, tous ceux qui étaient présents étaient émerveillés
de la beauté du tableau. Le peintre, ayant mis les autres dans son secret, me demanda
mon opinion sur son travail. Je lui répondis qu’à mon avis son tableau était parfait, mis
à part un petit défaut. Lorsqu’il me demanda lequel, je lui dis que les pattes étaient
légèrement disproportionnées. Alors il vint vers moi et me baisa le front. »
Byzance et les arts persans
Cette fascination du portrait, et de l’iconographie byzantine semble donc avoir
agi en profondeur sur la société turco-musulmane d’Anatolie. Or, on constate parallèlement la même attirance esthétique de la part des Byzantins envers l’art picturale irano-seldjoukide. Les spécialistes décèlent une influence seldjoukide dans
l’ornementation de monuments majeurs du XIIIe siècle comme Sainte-Sophie de
Trébizonde : pour R. Janin « …de nombreux motifs décoratifs des porches présentent des analogies très concrètes avec l’ornementation seldjoukide ; des circonstances favorables à la venue d’ouvriers seldjoukides à Trébizonde se présentent à la
fin du règne de Manuel 1er (1238–1263) ».67
On a des témoignages contemporains de l’intérêt byzantin pour l’art seldjoukide. Ainsi, comme le raconte le chroniqueur grec Jean Kinnamos un haut dignitaire byzantin, gouverneur d’une province frontalière du sultanat seldjoukide,
« …se rendit à dessein à Iconium (Konya) ; il se lia d’amitié avec le sultan et, par la
suite, de retour à Byzance, quand il voulut décorer une de ses maisons de banlieue,
il ne représenta pas les anciens exploits des Grecs, ni, comme c’est la coutume des
dignitaires, les hauts faits de l’empereur à la guerre ou à la chasse. Il laissa de côté
66 Dans le texte arabe (Ibn al-‘Arabî : chap. 198 : § 11) le terme utilisé est tabaq طبقqui
selon Dehkhodâ, est l’arabisation du mot persan tabuk تبوک. Ce mot désigne toute surface plate
comme l’assiette, le plateau et tout objet utilisé comme présentoir. Selon la même Encyclopédie,
tabaq correspond également à ce qui couvre une surface, rideau, toile, etc.
67 Raymond Janin, Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins. Paris, 1975, 290.
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ces exploits et fit représenter, en soit qu’il était, les faits d’armes du sultan, et divulgua par la peinture de sa maison ce qu’il aurait fallu laisser dans l’ombre. »68
En cela, ce dignitaire ne faisait que perpétuer la même admiration pour l’art
musulman qui avait été celle de Byzance pour l’architecture arabe comme le
montre l’anecdote suivante à l’époque de l’empereur Théophile (829–842). Jean
le Grammairien, envoyé comme ambassadeur à Bagdad auprès du calife, apprécia
fortement la beauté des palais arabes : « Une fois revenue auprès de l’empereur,
il lui raconta ce qu’il avait vu là-bas et persuada l’empereur de faire ériger, [vers
831–832], le palais de Bryas sur le modèle des constructions sarrasines, en parfaite
conformité avec leur plan et la variété de leur décoration ; lui-même veillerait sur
ce palais et serait l’architecte de cette construction. »69
L’influence de l’architecture musulmane sur les Byzantins, se perpétua, puisqu’au
début du XIIIe siècle encore, on signale, au cœur de Constantinople, un palais qui
ressemble aux constructions seldjoukides et que Nicolas Mésaritès, auteur grec
de l’époque, appelle « la Maison Perse » (Περσικὀς Δὁμος). « Édifice merveilleux,
selon Mésaritès, c’était un bâtiment à coupole avec pendentifs en stalactites. La
richesse des couleurs, l’or qu’on y avait semé, faisait ressembler ces coupoles à des
arcs-en-ciel et le spectateur était séduit par la combinaison harmonieuse des lignes
et des couleurs ». Ce palais était désigné sous le nom de Μουχρουτᾶς qui doit être
une déformation du terme arabo-persan makhrut مخروطqui désigne un cône, ce
qui correspond bien à la forme sommitale de certains monuments seldjoukides.
Mésaritès évoque également les coupoles du palais Μουχρουτᾶς en utilisant le
terme ἡμισφαίρια « demi-coupole ».70
pour conclure
L’
étroite imbrication des divers territoires anatoliens comme l’enchevêtrement intime des peuples, des langues et des cultures de la péninsule, rend compte d’une
68 Jean Kinnamos, Chronique. (Publication de la faculté des Lettres et Sciences humaines de
Nice, 10.) Traduite par Jacqueline Rosenblum. Paris, 1972, 171–172.
69 Cf. Jean Skylitzès, Empereurs de Constantinople. Texte traduit par Bernard Flusin et annoté
par Jean-Claude Cheynet. Paris, 2003, 54; Raymond Janin, Constantinople Byzantine. Paris,
1964, 146–147.
70 Janin, Les églises et les monastères, 122.
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réalité historique fondamentale : l’identité rûm qui lie fortement les chrétiens et
les musulmans d’Anatolie. Cette conscience d’appartenir à une entité « romaine »
fait que certaines sources musulmanes médiévales, en utilisant le terme rûm pour
désigner le territoire anatolien et les divers peuples qui l’habitent, laissent planer
un certain flou quant à la signification ethnique ou religieuse du mot : le Rûm estil Grec ou Turc, chrétien ou musulman et le Bilâd al-Rûm désigne-t-il l’Empire
byzantin ou le sultanat turc ? Des auteurs comme Izzeddîn Ibn Shaddâd (1217–
1285) doit, dans un extrait de sa Description de la Syrie de Nord,71 préciser, pour
la clarté de son propos, qu’il parle du « pays des Rûms musulmans », c’est-à-dire
du sultanat seldjoukide d’Anatolie, tant « l’idée romaine » semble parfois primer
l’appartenance confessionnelle musulmane ou chrétienne.
Cette primauté de l’identité Rûm sur le rattachement confessionnel ou linguistique gardera toute sa force à l’époque ottomane : à côté de la stricte application
du mot à la communauté grecque et slave orthodoxe (Millet-i Rûm), le terme
pourra être utilisé, en plein XVIe siècle (et bien au-delà), dans sa signification supra-confessionnelle et supra-ethnique de « sujet et habitant du territoire dominé
par la dynastie d’Osmân ».72
« L’idée romaine » continuera à peser fortement, au-delà de l’époque seldjoukide,
chez les Turcs ottomans d’autant plus qu’elle véhicule une conception de cosmopolitisme qui correspond à la texture même de la société ottomane comme cela
avait été le cas de l’Anatolie du XIIIe siècle. Ce cosmopolitisme rûm, si l’on en croit
l’historien turc Ali de Gallipoli, à la fin du XVIe siècle, est ressenti par beaucoup
d’Ottomans: « La plupart des habitants de Rûm ont diverses origines et, parmi les
notables, il en est peu dont la lignée ne remonte pas à un converti. »73
Par conséquent, si dans la langue officielle, l’État ottoman se définit sur une
assise dynastique, Devlet-i Osmaniyye (l’État de la dynastie d’Osmân), l’idée « romaine », cependant, perdure dans la titulature, comme dans l’administration. La
Roumélie désigne désormais la partie balkanique de l’Empire jusqu’à la fin de la
domination turque en Europe orientale au début du XXe siècle.
71 Ibn Šaddâd ‘Izz al-Dîn, Description de la Syrie du Nord. Trad. Anne-Marie Eddé-Terrasse.
Damas, 1984, 72 : note 1.
72 Michel Balivet, Anthologie d’Histoire Ottomane, les deux premiers siècles (XIVe–XVe). Istanbul, 2004, 81.
73 Balivet, op. cit., 81.
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A l’époque classique, XVIe–XVIIIe, on trouve souvent dans les textes officiels
pour désigner l’État des sultans des expressions telles que Memleket-i Rûm, Bum-ı
Rûm, İklim-i Rûm. Le souverain comme à l’époque seldjoukide peut être appelé,
Sultan-ı Rûm, voire Kaysar-ı Rûm, de même que des hauts personnages tel que le
grand Mufti, chef de l’islam ottoman est désigné par le titre mufti al-Diyâr al-Rumiyye, etc.74 Tout cela, une nouvelle fois montre la grande continuité étatique entre
l’époque seldjoukide et la période ottomane.
74 Cf. Salih Özbaran, ‘In Search of Another Identity: the Rumi Perception in the Ottoman Realm’, Eurasian Studies 1 (2002) 116–127; Koray Durak, ‘Who are the Romans? The
Definition of Bilâd al-Rûm in Medieval Islamic Geography, Journal of Intercultural Studies 31
(2010) 3; voir aussi Cemal Kafadar, ‘A Rome of One’s Own: Reflections on Cultural Geography
and Identity in the Lands of Rum’, in Sibel Bozdoğan and Gülru Necipoğlu (eds.), History
and Ideology: Architectural Heritage of the ‘Lands of Rum’. Special Issue. Muqarnas 24 (2007)
7–25; Pál Fodor, ‘Byzantine Legacies in Ottoman Identity’, in Barbara Kellner-Heinkele et
Simone-Christiane Raschmann (eds.), Opuscula György Hazai Dicata. Beiträge zum Deutsch-Ungarischen Workshop aus Anlass des 80. Geburtstages von György Hazai. (Studien zur Sprache,
Geschichte und Kultur der Türkvölker, 19.) Berlin, 2015, 93–108.
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DAVID AND THE CHAIN MAIL:
A TRADITIONAL TELMÎH (‘ALLUSION’)
IN OTTOMAN POETRY
Benedek Péri
Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
peribenedek@gmail.com
Tutaldan ʿâlemi Dâvûd Beg lutf ü sehâ ile
Cihân halkınuŋ içinde aŋılmaz Hâtemüŋ cûdı1
“Since David beg conquered the world with benevolence
and generosity
People has stopped speaking about the munificence of the
Seal [of Prophets]”
Classical Ottoman literature is a derived literary tradition modelled upon the
classical Persian system. Ottoman authors very consciously imitated Persian
models, followed conventional rules governing the Persian literary tradition.
The developing Ottoman tradition thus borrowed many elements of the
signifying universe (mundus significans) of the classical Persian literary system.
Noticing how heavily Ottoman authors relied on Persian models many earlier
Western literary critics thought that the Ottoman system is nothing else but a
slavish imitation of the Persian tradition.2 Recent comparative studies, however,
1 Halil İbrahim Yakar (ed.), Gelibolulu Sunʿî Dîvânı. Gaziantep, 2009, 530. For the sake of
uniformity all Turkish, Persian and Arabic names, terms, quotes and bibliographical references
are transcribed using the same modern Turkish alphabet based system. Persian quotes reflect
the classical Persian pronunciation.
2 An early twentieth-century unnamed author worded his opinion of Ottoman poetry in the
following way: “The history of poetry is of course full of conscious or unconscious imitation
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showed that though Persian models never ceased to influence Ottoman
authors, after an initial phase of experimenting with how to adapt Turkish to a
system developed in a quite different linguistic environment Ottoman literature
slowly started to live an independent life. One of the most telling signs of this
process is indicated by the growing number of differences between these two
branches of Persianate classical literature that start appearing in the late
fifteenth–early sixteenth century. These differences include a number a new
elements and a shift in the focus in the usage of some poetic devices that were
applied in both traditions.3 Mapping the differences between the two traditions
and identifying the typical Ottoman elements of the mundus significans of
classical literature are essential to understanding in what way does the system
of classical Ottoman literature differ from the literary tradition it was modelled
on. Showcasing poetic devices that are shared by the two traditions but used
differently in the Ottoman system and devices invented by Ottoman authors
would enable scholars to highlight the creativity of Ottoman authors and
dispel prejudices against classical Ottoman literature.
The present paper aims at showcasing a traditional figure of speech, a telmîh
(‘allusion’) based on a Koranic reference to the prophet David as the first person
to produce a chain mail (zırh/zırıh). Through a series of examples it tries to
show the differences between the Persian and the Ottoman system and
highlight the creative talent of Ottoman authors who opted for including this
traditional element of the signifying universe of classical Persianate literary
tradition into their works.
Prophet David occurs in the mundus significans of classical Persianate poetry
mainly in three contexts. He is mentioned as a sweet voiced singer and the
author of the Psalms (Zebūr), as a person to whom God made iron as soft as
wax and finally as a skilled blacksmith who was able to produce chain mails
with his bare hands.4
both of ideas and metres, but we can remember no instance of imitation so complete and servile as the Ottoman replica of the Persian muse.” ‘Ottoman poetry’, The Spectator, 3 November
1900, 4.
3 See, for instance, Benedek Péri, ‘Cannabis (esrār): a Unique Semantic Field in Ottoman
Classical Poetry’, Turcica 48 (2017) 9–36.
4 According to the Islamic tradition he was the first person to produce a chain mail. Abû
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DAVID AND THE CHAIN MAIL
David as the first person who created a new type of armour, the chain mail
appears in Islamic lore first in two Suras of the Koran, The Prophets (alAnbiyâ, 21:80) and Sheba (al-Sabâ, 34:10–11):5
“We taught to him to make coats of mail for the benefit of you [people], to
protect you in your wars...”6
“We graced David with Our favour. We said ‘You mountains echo God’s
praises together with him and you birds, too.’ We softened iron for him, saying
‘Make coats of chain mail and measure the links well.’”7
The Koran doesn’t say why God gifted David with such a skill but according
to Maybudî, an early twelfth-century Persian author of a commentary on the
Koran (tefsîr), whose story reappears almost word by word in a seventeenthcentury Ottoman hagiographical work,8 God didn’t like the situation that
David relied on his community’s resources to support himself and his family so
he gave him a professional skill that enabled him to make a living on his own.
The word Maybudî uses to denote the object David became able to produce
is zirih (Ottoman zırh/zırıh). The same noun is used by the author of the first
tefsîr in Persian, the translation of Tabarî’s (d. 310/923) commentary (Tarcumayi Tafsîr-i Tabarî) compiled during the reign of the Samanid ruler Mansûr b.
Nûh (350–365/961–976) to translate the Arabic term sâbighât9 which shows
that the notion of ‘chain mail’ denoted by the word zirih became attached to
David’s name in the Islamicate Persian tradition as early as the end of the tenth
century.
Caʿfar Muhammad bin Carîr al-Tabarî, Tafsîr al-Tabarî. Vol. 19. Tahkîk ʿAbd Allâh ibn ʿAbd
al-Muhsin al-Turkî. Cairo, 1422 [2001], 223.
5 For a detailed account on how Prophet David appears in the Koran, see Brannon Wheeler, ‘Dawud/Daʾud’, in Oliver Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: an Encyclopaedia. London, New York,
2006, 169–170.
6 M. A. S. Abdel Haleem (trans.), The Qur’an. Oxford, 2005, 207.
7 Abdel Haleem, The Qur’an, 273.
8 Abû al-Fazl Raşîd al-Dîn Maybudî, Kaşf al-asrâr vaʿdat al-anvâr. Vol. 8. Tehran, 1382
[2003], 112. For the Turkish version of the story written in 1671, see Mehtap Eldemir, Muhammad bin Yusuf: Kisasu’l-Enbiya I. İnceleme–Metin–Dizin. MA Thesis, Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi, Çanakkale, 2011, 102.
9 Tarcuma-yi Tafsîr-i Tabarî. Tashîh va ihtimâm Habîb Yaghmâ’î. Tehran, 1356 [1977], IV.
1037; V. 1453.
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Compared to his other attributes, his sweet voice or his ability to soften
iron, his skill to produce chain mails is rarely referred to in classical literature
and when David appears as a chain mail maker, in most cases his name comes
forward as part of a figure of speech where the focus is on the outward
appearance of the armour he produced.
A rare exception occurs in Calâl al-Dîn Rûmî’s (d. 1273) Masnavî-i maʿnavî
where the poet describes in one of the stories how Lokman the sage watched
David doing his work, producing iron ring after iron ring until he had enough
to make a chain mail.10 Another context is found in Farîd al-Dîn ʿAttâr’s (d.
1221) “Conference of the birds” (Mantik al-tayr) where David appears in the
list of prophets and he is characterized there by the attribute zirihgar ‘chain
mail maker’.11
As far as the tradition of Persian poetry is concerned, there are two basic
types of tropes where the prophet David and the notion of “chain mail”
expressed with the word zirih occur together and both of them are based on
the resemblance of the outward appearance of the mail and the phenomenon
or object it is compared to.
One of them is a simile or a metaphor that seems to have been used first in
the eleventh century.12 The figure of speech compares ripples on the water
blown by a gentle breeze with the row of ringlets visible on the mail. A typical
example of this figure of speech can be met with in one of ʿUbayd Zâkânî’s
(d. ca. 1370) panegyric poems:
Âb har lahza çu Dâvud zirih mî-sâzad
Bâd hâsiyat-i anfâs-i Masîhâ dârad13
“Water continuously makes chain mails like David
Wind has the quality of the breath of the Messiah.”
10 Maulânâ Calâl al-Dîn Rûmî, Masnavî-yi maʿnavî. Mutâbik-i nusha-yi tashîh şuda-yi
Riynuld Nikulsun. Tehran, 1370 [1991], 412.
11 Farîd al-Dîn ʿAttâr, Mantik al-tayr. Bi-ihtimâm va tashîh-i Sayyid Sâdik Gauharîn. Tehran,
1365 [1986], 2.
12 Muhammad Dabîrsiyâkî (ed.), Dîvân-i Ustâd Manûçihrî Dâmğânî. Tehran, 1338 [1959], 178.
13 Parvîz Atâbakî (ed.), Kulliyât-i ʿUbayd Zâkânî. Tehran, 1382 [2003], 23.
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The other figure of speech compares the tightly braided plaits of a beauty to
David’s chain mail very similarly to the way Muʿizzî (d. ca. 1125) does it in one
of his kasides:
Ay dirahşanda bunâ-gûş-i tu az zulf-i siyâh
Ham-çu az abr dirahşanda buvad şams-i zuhâ
Râst gûyî zi miyân-i zirih-i Dâvûdî
Har zamânî yad-i bayzâ bi-numâyad Mûsâ14
“Your earlobe shines through your black plait
The same way as the noon sun shines through a cloud.
You are right: from behind David’s chain mail
Moses shows his white hand.”
The rare occurrence of the “David and the chain mail” motif in classical Persian
poetry can possibly be explained by the fact that similes and metaphors building
on the similarities between the appearance of a beauty’s plaits or ripples on
water and rows of rings in a chain mail can achieve a poetic effect without the
inclusion of David’s character. Though a long list of such examples taken from
a wide range of poetic genres could be cited here, let it suffice to quote two
couplets that illustrate the two types of tropes. One of them is by a Seljukid
poet, Kamâl al-Dîn Ismâʿ îl (d. ca. 1237), the other one was composed by Amîr
Husrau Dihlevî (d. 1325):
Agar çi har nafas az haybat-i tu bâd-i Sabâ
Zirih dar âb hamî-pûşad az pay-i maʾman15
“The breeze of Sheba doesn’t cease to fear you
As a protection it makes the water wear a chain mail.”
Pûşîda-îm bar dil muşkîn zirih zi zulfat
Kaz gûşa-hâ-yi çaşmat turkî-st dar kamînî16
14 Nâsir Hayyirî (ed.), Kulliyât-i Dîvân-i Muʿizzî. Tehran, 1362 [1983], 649.
15 Husayn Bahr al-ʿUlûm, Dîvân-i halâʾik al-maʿânî-yi Abû al-Fazl Kamâl al-Dîn Ismâʿîl
Isfahânî. Tehran, 1348 [1969], 174.
16 Saʿ îd Nafîsî (ed.), Dîvān-i kâmil-i Amîr Husrau Dihlavî. Tehran, 1361 [1983], 557.
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“We clad our heart into a black chain mail made of your plait[s]
Because there is a [blood-thirsty] Turk lurking in the corner of your eye.”
David’s appearance in the trope adds to the rhetoric value of the couplet (beyt)
only in that case if his character can be connected to other elements within the
beyt. In the couplets composed by ʿUbayd Zâkânî and Muʿizzî respectively two
other characters (Messiah and Moses) appear who belong to the same semantic
field (‘prophets’) as David. Through the semantic bonding connecting them to
David they form a trope called tenâsüb (‘congruency’) that enhances the poetic
force of the couplet. Nevertheless these poetic contexts are rare in Persian poetry
and in certain poetic genres, for example in lyric gazel poetry, they seldom occur.
The situation in Ottoman literature is slightly different. Ottoman poets
seem to have recognized the poetic potential inherent in the “David and the
chain mail” motif and they included it in their gazels more often.
The motif appears first in the late fourteenth, early fifteenth century in two
gazels composed by Ahmedî (d. 1412–1413). The couplets are like fraternal
twins. Their core features are the same but they are not identical. Both of them
contain a type of trope that has already been mentioned, a simile comparing the
closely braided plaits of a beauty to a chain mail. Since both of these couplets are
preserved in a collection of poems detached from the context where they were
perceived and they are included in poems that do not contain any references to
the date of their composition, it cannot be told which one of them was composed
earlier. One of the beyts appears in a gazel using the redîf (‘refrain’) hergiz ‘never’:
Süleymânsun velî Dâvûd dahı
Saçuŋ bigi zırıh örmedi hergiz17
“You are Solomon but not even David
Had ever prepared a chain mail like your plaited hair.”
The couplet is part of an amorous poem that praises the apparent beauty of
the poet’s beloved. The previous and succeeding beyts focus on his/her eye17 Ahmedî, Dîvân. Ed. by Yaşar Akdoğan. n.p., n.d., 398. Available online http://ekitap.
kulturturizm.gov.tr/ TR,78357/ahmedi-divani.html, accessed 06. 09. 2018.
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brows and the couplet quoted above describes his/her hair. It’s not really clear
why the poet chose to include the “David and the chain mail” motif. Though
it is true that this way he was able to create a poetic context in which he could
add another trope to the beyt, the “Süleymân–Dâvûd” tenâsüb that means an
additional figure of speech but the reference to Solomon seems to be out of
context here as in classical poetry David’s son is usually mentioned for his
sagacity and not for his outward appearance.
The other couplet is also part of a gazel. Though it seems to be a slightly
different version of the beyt above, in the second case the poet seems to have
found a more appropriate context to place the lines that include the “David and
the chain mail” motif and the “Süleymân–Dâvûd” tenâsüb because one of the
key features of the poem is a series of allusions to Islamic prophets:
Eremedi vasl-i devletine Süleymân
Öremedi bir zırıh saçı bigi Dâvud18
“Solomon never got as blessed as he/she is
David couldn’t make a chain mail that could be compared to his/her plaits.”
An anthology from the early fifteenth century contains a couplet that shows a new
poetic strategy to place the “David and the chain mail” motif into an appropriate
context. The anthology was compiled by ʿÖmer bin Mezîd in 1437 and it contains
imitation poems (nazîre) by Ahmedî’s contemporaries and near contemporaries.
The poem that includes the couplet in question was composed by a poet named
Zeynî and it is part of a relatively small nazîre network consisting of eight love
poems praising the poet’s real or imaginary beloved. Almost all of them contain
a couplet describing the beloved’s braided plait (zülf) but only Zeynî chose to
include the well-known “chain mail” metaphor:
Sünbülünden halkalar saldukça gül üzre zırıh
Bülbül-i cân nağme-yi Dâvûdî hoş-ter depredür19
18 Ahmedî, Dîvân, 289–290.
19 ʿÖmer bin Mezīd, Mecmūʿatü’n-Neẓāʾir. Ed. by Mustafa Canpolat. Ankara, 1982, 230.
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“When the chain mail casts ringlets resembling his/her braids on a rose
[his/her cheek]
The nightingale of the soul sings the tunes of David more pleasantly.”
The novelty of Zeynî’s approach lies in the central role of David’s character in
the couplet. Though the beyt is about the beloved’s braid the main focus falls
on David. More than half of the keywords (halka ‘ring’, zırıh ‘chain mail’, nağme
‘tune’, Dâvûd ‘David’) belong to the semantic field ‘David’ and the semantic
bonding between them provides the main force that keeps the couplet
together. The poetic effect of the beyt is further enhanced by the appearance
of a secondary semantic field, the semantic field of ‘nightingale’ that consists
of the words bülbül ‘nightingale’, nağme ‘tune’, gül ‘rose’.
Necâtî (d. 1509) and his two near contemporaries, Ahmed-i Rıdvān (d. ca.
1528–1538) and Hasbî (d. after 1553) used another possibility to place the
“David and the chain mail” motif into a new poetic context and they built their
couplets around the opposition between a chain mail worn for protection and
a weapon used for attacking an opponent:
Saçuŋı çöz ki zırıh adın aŋmaya Dâvûd
Gözüŋi süz ki takınmaya Erdevân hançer20
“Unfold your hair [plaits] so that David doesn’t say the word ‘chain mail’
Open your [angry] eyes and don’t make Erdevân wear a dagger.”
Ne vardur gamze bigi seyf kâtiʿ
Zırıh düzdi ne zülfi bigi Dâvûd21
“No swords can be as hurting as his/her [coquettish] look
David made a chain mail but in cannot be compared to his/her plait.”
Gamzeler ser-nîzede cânâ silahşör oldular
Zülfi Dâvûdî zirihler giydi Şâmîler gibi22
20 Ali Nihat Tarlan (ed.), Necati Beg Divanı. İstanbul, 1997, 37.
21 Halil Çeltik, Ahmed-i Rıdvan Divanı. Ankara, 2017, 228.
22 Kamil Ali Gıynaş, Pervâne Bey Mecmuʿası. Ankara, 2017, 2740.
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“His/her [coquettish] look is armed with lances; my beloved became a
skilled warrior
He/she donned a Davidic chain mail like the people of Syria.”
The three couplets resemble each other very much. All of them are dominated by
the opposition (tezâd) between two traditional tropes, one comparing the look
of the beloved to a sharp weapon and the other one focusing on the likeness
between a braided plait and a chain mail. The structure of the three couplets
is very similar as the two sides of the opposition occupy a hemistich each in all
three cases. This type of poetic context and structure doesn’t count unusual in
late fifteenth-century Ottoman poetry as it is well-illustrated by two couplets
one by Tâcizâde Caʿfer Çelebi (d. 1515) and one by Hafî (d. ca. mid-fifteenth c.):
Bir lahza ruhuŋ çıkmadı zülfüŋ zırıhından
Beŋzer ki ider tîr-i nazardan hazer ey dûst23
“Not even for a minute has your cheek left the chain mail of your plait
As if it has been worried about the arrow cast by an [angry] look.”
Kirpügi tîr-i kazâdur u kaşı kavs-ı kader
Ne zırıh katlanur ol tîre ne cevşen ne siper24
“His/her eyelashes are arrows of preordination and his/her eyebrows are
the bow of might
No chain mail, no armour, no shield can withstand those arrows.”
The three poets mentioned above used a traditional structure and added an
extra element. What they did is a very simple but acknowledged method of
artistic creation. They selected traditional elements from the mundus significans
of classical Ottoman poetry, combined them in a creative way and this way
they created something poetically new.
23 Tâcizâde Caʿfer Çelebi, Dîvân. Ed. by İsmail Erünsal. Ankara, 2018, 324.
24 Sedanur Dinçer, Hafî Hayatı, Sanatı, Şiirleri. MA Thesis, Kırıkkale Üniversitesi, Kırıkkale, 2010, 69.
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This method of composing poetical pieces can be seen in one of
Kemâlpaşazâde’s (d. 1534) gazels where all the elements listed above appear
together but in his case they are placed into a different poetic context:
Niçe ersün gûşına ol mâhuŋ âhumdan haber
Zülfi Dâvûdî zırıhdür etmez ok andan güzer25
“How could the news of my sighs reach the ears of that moon [faced beloved]
His/her plait is a Davidic chain mail there isn’t an arrow that could pierce it.”
The new elements Kemâlpaşazâde added to the poetic mixture of the “David
and the chain mail” motif and the two tropes already mentioned, the chain mail
metaphor and the chain mail arrow opposition, are two more figures of speech
that are both included in the first hemistich. One of them is a metaphor very often
used in Persianate classical poetry. The noun mâh (‘moon’) refers to the moon like
face of a beautiful person whom the poet is in love with. This metaphor is part of
a comprehensive figure of speech occupying the whole line. The question asked
in the first hemistich is a trope called hüsn-i taʿlîl (‘fabulous aetiology’) that tries
to suggest a poetic explanation to the unasked question why the beloved does
not listen to the sad news of the poet’s being full of sorrow and why he/she does
not show mercy towards him. Kemâlpaşazâde takes the method of combining
traditional elements a step further when he mixes them in a novel way, adds an
original idea and thus creates a new and original poetic context.
In his couplet quoted above, the twelfth-century Persian poet Muʿizzî firmly
established the place of the “David and the chain mail” motif in his poem by
connecting both elements of the rhetoric device to a semantically related word.
David and Moses belong to the same semantic field and so do the nouns zulf
and zirih. A very similar strategy appears in a couplet composed by a fifteenthcentury Ottoman poet Şeyhî (d. 1431?):
ʿAcebdür ʿışk yolı kim nigâruŋ zülfi derdinden
ʿAsâ Mûsâ düzetmişdür zırıh Dâvûd edinmiştür26
25 İbn-i Kemâl, Dîvan. Tenkidli Metin. Ed. by Mustafa Demirel. İstanbul, 1996, 45.
26 Halit Biltekin, Şeyhî Dîvânı. İnceleme, Tenkitli Metin, Dizin. PhD Dissertation, Ankara
Üniversitesi, Ankara, 2003, 146.
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“Strange is love’s way as the pain caused by the [memory] of the beloveds plait
Made Moses prepare a staff and David a chain mail.”
The novelty of Şeyhî’s approach lies in the mixture of poetic elements he chose
to include in the couplet. Besides the ingredients already mentioned he added
a hüsn-i taʿlîl explaining why Moses and David produced the objects they are
known for plus a metaphor comparing the long plaits of the beloved to the staff
of Moses.
Karamanlı Nizâmî (d. ca. 1469) broke with the traditional use of the “David
and the chain mail” motif when instead of the usual braided plaits he compared
the beloved’s curly hair to the ringlets of the mail:
Müselsel saçı Dâvûdî zırıhdur
Muʿanber zülfi ʿAbbâsî ʿalemdür27
“His/her curly hair is [like] a Davidic chain mail”
His/her amber [black] plait is [like] an Abbasid flag.”
Nizâmî’s poetic choice seems to be very conscious because a reference to his
beloved’s plaits occurs in the second hemistich where they are compared to the
black flags of the Abbasids. It’s not clear why the poet worded his couplet this
way because loosely flying black hair would resemble a flag more than a closely
braided plait. Moreover, both nouns have the same metrical value so saçı could
be easily replaced with zülfi.
Lâmiʿî (d. 1532), one of the most prolific poets of the first decades of the
sixteenth century, has a very similarly structured couplet that contains a
radically novel element. Instead of making a comparison between a chain mail
and his/her beloved’s plaits he applies the conventional metaphor to describe
an unconventional object, his beloved’s curly facial hair.
Düzdi Dâvûdî zırıhlar hatt-i ʿanber-sâ-yı yâr
Çekdi ʿAbbâsî ʿalemler kâkül-i müşgîn-i dūst28
27 Fuat Turpcu, Karamanlı Nizâmî Divanı’nın Yeni Bir Nüshası. Metin, Nesre Çeviri, Tıpkıbasım. MA Thesis, İstanbul Arel Üniversitesi, İstanbul, 2016, 88.
28 Gıynaş, Pervâne Bey, 427.
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“The amber like peach fuzz of [my] beloved produced Davidic chain mails
The musk scented [and black] forelock of my friend hoisted an Abbasid flag.”
Lâmiʿî’s couplet might look very original at a first reading. Nevertheless, as it has
been shown earlier the couplet’s poetic structure with the two telmîhs occupying
one hemistich each, one of them alluding to David’s skills as a maker of chain
mails and the other to the black flag of the Abbasids was previously used by a
fifteenth-century poet. The chain mail metaphor applied to a beloved’s peach
fuzz instead of his/her plaits wasn’t Lâmiʿî’s invention either. It occurs first
in the fifteenth century. Hafî, an Ottoman poet whose poetry was preserved
scattered in various anthologies compared the appearance of his beloved’s curly
facial hair to a chain mail in one of his poems and combined the chain mail
metaphor with a hüsn-i taʿlîl explaining why his beloved has curly facial hair:
Dâvud zırıh ile bezedi haddini hattı
Kim saklaya halkuŋ anı biter nazarından29
“As if it was David, his/her peach fuzz embellished his/her face with a chain
mail
In order to hide it from people’s harmful gaze.”
Coming back to Lâmiʿî’s couplet, the poet’s creativity resides in his ability of
skilfully mixing poetic elements that were already part of the signifying universe
of Ottoman classical poetry and also in finding an appropriate poetical context
for this mixture. His poem is part of a small paraphrase network consisting of
poems using the metre remel-i müsemmen-i mahzûf (- . - - | - . - - | - . - - | - . -),
the rhyme -er and most importantly the redîf (‘refrain’) kâkül-i müşkîn-i dûst
(‘the musk scented [and black] forelock of [my] friend’).30
Theoretically the redîf describing a part of the beloved’s hair would create a
favourable poetic context for poets to write about their beloved’s plait (zülf)
and include the traditional “David and the chain mail” metaphor or simile in
29 Sedanur Dinçer, Hafi Hayatı, Sanatı, Şiirleri. MA Thesis, Kırıkkale Üniversitesi, Kırıkkale, 2010, 102.
30 Edirneli Nazmî, Mecmaʿuʾn-Nezâʾir. Ed. by M. Fatih Köksal. Ankara, 2012, 386–393.
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one of their couplets. Quite interestingly none of the eleven poets used the
opportunity.
Zaʿîfî (d. ca. 1557) in a very similar situation, in a gazel using the redîf
kâkülüŋ (‘your forelock’) didn’t miss the opportunity to include the traditional
motif to write about his beloved’s plait. He placed it into a couplet in which
the first hemistich is dominated by a hüsn-i taʿlîl, a figure of speech that
provides the reader with a poetic explanation for the curliness of the beloved’s
forelock:
Tîr-i çeşm-i bed saŋa kâr etmesün diyü geyer
Ey saçı müşkîn Dâvûdî zırıhlar kâkülüŋ31
“Saying that the arrows of the wicked eyes shouldn’t cause you harm,
Hey you whose hair is musk scented [and black], your forelock dons a
Davidic chain mail.”
In classical poetry redîfs like kâkülüŋ or kâkül-i müşkîn-i dûst tend to define the
contents of a poem. This is certainly the case if a poet chooses to use the word
zırh/zırıh as a redîf. Through his choice he creates a poetic context that would
quite naturally induce him to include “David and the chain mail” motif as it
can be illustrated by two couplets composed by two sixteenth century poets,
Hatmî (d. after 1579) and Edirneli Nazmî (d. after 1585?):
Halka bir mertebeden geymesi oldı ʿâdet
Sanʿat idi nite Dâvûd-ı hoş-elhâna zırıh32
“When people got into the habit to wear a chain mail,
[In making] chain mails [they] became as skilful as the sweet voiced David.”
Geydi çün Şâh Süleymân zırh-i Dâvûdî
Sakladı cân gibi mâ-hasal ol hânı zırıh33
31 Kamil Akarsu, Zaʿifi Divanı. Metin, Tahlil ve Sistematik Endeks. PhD Dissertation, Gazi
Üniversitesi, Ankara, 1989, 153.
32 Hicran Yücel–Turan, Hatmî Divanı. İnceleme–Metin. MA Thesis, İstanbul
Teknik Üniversitesi, İstanbul, 2017, 223.
33 Sibel Üst (ed.), Edirneli Nazmî Divanı. Ankara, 2018, 3167.
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BENEDEK PÉRI
“Solomon the king donned his Davidic chain mail,
And the chain mail protected him as if he [the king] was its soul.”
As the notion of “chain mail” doesn’t have much poetical potential in classical
poetry and there are only a limited number of elements in the signifying
universe of classical poetry it can be bound to, in poems that use zırıh as a
redîf tropes are scarce and these pieces tend to be rhetorically quite flat. Both
couplets quoted above illustrate this case rather tellingly. They are quite simple
and lack sophisticated rhetorical embellishments. Nevertheless, they aren’t
absolutely without figures of speech. Hatmî found a creative way to add two
tropes to his couplet. The very first word in his beyt is a tevriye ‘wordplay’ using
the double meaning of the word halka that can be interpreted both the dative
of the noun halk ‘people, nation’ and the noun halka ‘ring’. In this latter sense
the word has a semantic bonding with chain mail, a protecting gear made of
iron rings.
It should be added here that the words halka ‘for the people’ and halka ‘ring’
are written in a different way in the Arabic script and thus according to the
strict rules of classical rhetoric there is not a wordplay at the beginning of the
line because
and
are two different words. Nevertheless, if the
couplet is recited in Turkish the difference between the two words disappears
and the sound sequence halka would evoke also the image of a ring in a Turkish
audience.
The other trope is an allusion represented by the qualifying adjective hoş
elhân ‘pleasant voiced’, an adjective often used in connection with David as it
refers to his ability to sing nicely. According to the Koran, David’s voice had the
power to make birds, wild animals and mountains to join him in his vocal
devotion praising God.34
Nazmî chose a much easier and more evident way of inserting rhetoric
embellishments into his couplet. The name Süleymân has a double meaning in
the context of the beyt as it can refer both to the ruling sultan, Süleymân I
(1520–1566) and the prophet Solomon, the son of David. Nazmî by using
this opportunity kills two birds with one stone. He inserts a wordplay (tevriye)
34 Abdel Haleem, The Qur’an, 291.
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DAVID AND THE CHAIN MAIL
into the couplet and uses the existing semantic bonding between the names
Solomon and David to strengthen the poetic force of his lines.
It might be clear from what has been said so far that by the first half of the
sixteenth century Ottoman poets became confident in their ability to compose
good pieces of poetry that complied with the written and unwritten rules of
classical poetry and they started to use elements of the traditional signifying
universe of classical poetry they inherited from the Persian tradition in novel
and creative ways.
The following example shows how a gifted Ottoman poet like Muʿîdî in the
sixteenth century could place a traditional element of the mundus significans
like the simile of the chain mail and the ripples on the water into a novel context
and how he could thus create a genuinely original couplet:
Devr-i güldür münhezim kılmağa tevbe leşkerin
Giydi Dâvûdî zırıhlar âb u hançer çekdi bîd35
“The season of the rose has come. In order to make the army of repentance run
The water has donned Davidic chain mails and the willow has drawn its
dagger.”
The couplet that depicts a spring scene with blossoming roses in the garden,
a light breeze that makes ripples on the pond and a willow growing fresh
blade-shaped leaves is full of poetic topoi. Winter, the period of renunciation
and contemplation is followed by spring, a joyful season that brings nature’s
resurrection in Persianate classical poetry. In this time of the year roses are in
full bloom, trees grow fresh leaves and a light breeze blows in the air. These
commonplace images are worded by Muʿîdî in a very creative way by mixing
select traditional elements and placing them into a novel context. The couplet
is dominated by a hüsn-i taʿlîl giving a poetic explanation why there are ripples
on the surface of the water and why there are freshly grown leaves visible on
the branches of willow trees. Though the poet uses conventional elements of
35 Gülçin Tanrıbuyurdu, Muʿîdî: Dîvân. Metin, Çeviri. PhD Dissertation, Kocaeli Üniversitesi, Kocaeli, 2012, 98.
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BENEDEK PÉRI
the mundus significans he is still able to produce an original piece through a
conscious process of selecting and rearranging them.
Though the signifying universe of classical poetry is a rigid system that is
not too open to poetic innovation and invention poets never cease to experiment
with finding their personal poetic voice through using unusual and unconventional ways of artistic expression.
It seems that the “David and the chain mail” motif was no exception of this
process and there were poets who created similes or metaphors through
comparing objects or concepts to a chain mail that quite rarely appear in classical
poetry and thus they count unconventional. It should be added here though
that in some cases the new trope was the result of an awkwardly worded idea
rather than the product of conscious thinking.
Kabûlî İbrahîm Efendi (d. 1591–1592), a sixteenth-century scholar poet in
one of his gazels that can be interpreted as a pledge of loyalty to the ruling
sultan compares his series of prayers for blessings to ringlets of a chain mail as
both blessings and chain mails provide useful protection:
Daʿvât-ı Kabûlî kim Dâvûdî zırıhlardur
Cevşen gibi hıfz eyler her yanuŋ sultânum36
“Prayers of Kabûlî are like Davidic chain mails
That protect you like armours from every side, my sultan.”
It’s not without reason to suppose that Kabûlî Ibrâhîm Efendi’s original idea
was to compare prayers to gears worn for protecting its wearer against an
enemy’s attack. If so the inclusion of the word cevşen ‘armour’ is an appropriate
choice. One feels that the motif of the chain mail appears in the beyt for the
same reason. It fits into the couplet because it also protects its wearer and thus
the semantic bonding between the words cevşen and zırıh creates a tenâsüb that
enhances the couplet’s poetic force. The problem with Kabûlî’s couplet is that
the main characteristic attributed to a chain mail in the world of classical poetry
is that it’s made of series of ringlets. Its appearance is the basis of comparison
36 Mustafa Erdoğan, Kabûlî İbrahim Efendi Hayatı, Edebî Kişiliği ve Divanı. İnceleme, Tenkitli
Metin ve Dizin. PhD Dissertation, Gazi Üniversitesi. Ankara, 2008, 641.
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DAVID AND THE CHAIN MAIL
in all similes and metaphors where the chain mail motif appears and in the beyt
above Kabûlî fails to capitalize on this element’s full poetic potential.
Another couplet where the “David and the chain mail” motif occurs in an
unconventional context was composed by a late eighteenth-, early nineteenthcentury poet Ebubekir Celâlî (d. 1818). The poem is a laudatory gazel
describing the new home of Ahmed ʿAzîz b. ʿAlî Pasha:
Bu câ-yı bî-muʿâdil cânib-i Dâvutpâşâda
Sadâlar içre Dâvûdî sadânuŋ mislidür gûyâ
Yahud anda temekkün zırh-ı Dâvûdî telebbüsdür
Gam etmez hamle ʿaczından mübârek eylesün Mevlâ37
“There’s no other place like this in the vicinity of Davutpasha
It sounds as if it was filled with sounds similar to the [sweet] voice of David.
Living there is like wearing a Davidic chain mail
Sorrow is too weak to launch an attack there. May Our Lord bless [this
place].”
As far as the reason is concerned why the “David and the chain mail” motif
appears in the poem, Celâlî’s couplet is very similar to the previously quoted
Kabûlî beyt. The most important characteristic of a chain mail in classical
poetry, which is its appearance, has no role in the couplet. Celâlî might have
chosen to include the motif because the name of the location Dâvûtpaşa where
Ahmed ʿAzîz Pasha’s new home was situated induced him to include as many
poetic topoi centred around the character of David as possible. An allusion to
his sweet voice was an evident choice because it could be smoothly fitted into
the fabric of the poem. With the chain mail motif he had a much harder task to
accomplish as nothing in the couplet resembles the appearance of a chain mail.
He thus relied on the same solution as Kabûlî and inserted the motif into his
poem by highlighting the notion of “safety” the only point common between
the geographical location of the house and a chain mail.
37 Erdem Sarıkaya, Ebubekir Celalî Divanı: Karşelaştromalı Metin–İnceleme. MA Thesis,
İstanbul Kültür Üniversitesi, İstanbul, 2008, 342.
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BENEDEK PÉRI
The conclusions of what has been said of the “David and the chain mail” motif
can be summarized in the following way. The motif is not an Ottoman invention.
It was a traditional element of the classical Persian poetical tradition and it was
borrowed by the Ottomans as an integral part of the system. It looks though that
the poetical potential inherent in the “David and the chain mail” motif attracted
Ottoman poets more than Persian authors and in this respect Ottoman poetry
displays a shift from its Persian models. The creativity Ottoman authors displayed
in finding new ways to use a traditional element of the mundus significans of
classical poetry suggests that by the second half of the fifteenth century they had
understood well how the literary system they borrowed worked and that by this
time they had become able to fully make use of the opportunities it offered. Last
but not least it is interesting to see that the majority of the couplets quoted above
are from the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century which could mean that
Ottoman classical poetry was a living system with constantly changing trends.
Poetic devices that were popular in a period could go out of fashion but as the
example of Celâlî’s couplet indicates elements that became part of the signifying
universe once stayed there for good and kept representing a valid choice for
practicing poets.
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WOLF ON THE BORDER:
YAHYAPAŞAOĞLU BALİ BEY (?–1527)
EXPANSION AND PROVINCIAL ÉLITE IN THE
EUROPEAN CONFINES OF THE OTTOMAN
EMPIRE IN THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY
Pál Fodor
Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
fodor.pal@btk.mta.hu
It is an established fact that for a lengthy period the motors of Ottoman
expansion into Europe were the so-called “marcher lords” and their extended
households, who commanded the so-called akıncı troops and controlled the
border areas (referred to as uç kenar yer in a 1520s document). These clans
(the Evrenos, Mihal, Turahan and Malkoçoğulları families) were descendants
of state-founding ancestors. Their power was passed on from father to son and
they had special rights in many respects.1 From the reign of Murad II (1421–
1451) onwards, the central authority systematically curtailed the power of these
clans and compelled them to accept the new game rules of the emerging power
This study has been written within the framework of the project entitled “Mohács 1526–2026:
Rekonstrukció és emlékezet”.
1 For more on these clans, see Mariya Kiprovska, ‘The Mihaloğlu Family: Gazi Warriors and
Patrons of Dervish Hospices’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları 32 (2008) 193–222; Pál Fodor, ‘Akıncı’,
in Kate Fleet, Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson (eds.), The
Encyclopaedia of Islam, Three. Leiden, Boston, 2014, 14–16.
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PÁL FODOR
structure, which was based on the kul-devşirme system.2 In this way, the hereditary
aristocracy was gradually replaced by a central and provincial ruling élite formed
from men of slave origin, who obtained and then monopolized the empire’s key
positions. In the first half of the sixteenth century, one can still find – in the
western marches3 – several sancakbeyis from the Mihaloğlu and Evrenos clans,
but the more strategic districts on the main frontlines were already assigned to
men from the new “dynasties” of devşirme origin. These men were often in-laws of
the sultans; in other words, they had family ties to the ruling dynasty.
It was from such a family that the hero of this study, Yahyapaşaoğlu Bali Bey,
also came. His father, Yahya Pasha – probably a man of Albanian origin with
ties to Skopje (known as Üsküb in Ottoman Turkish) – had been raised in the
palace of Mehmed II (1451–1481), thereafter making a brilliant career under
Bayezid II (1481–1512).4 Indeed, during his eventful life, Yahya Pasha served
as the governor-general (beylerbeyi) of Rumelia three times and of Anatolia two
times as well as the district governor (sancakbeyi) of Bosnia and of Nicopolis
two times each. According to contemporary chronicler Kemalpaşazade, he also
served as grand vizier for a short time in 1505, though this claim has not yet
been substantiated.5 However, it is certain that Yahya Pasha was promoted to
the position of second vizier in July 1505 and thus became a member of the
imperial council.6 He also participated in important military actions in both
2 Cemal Kafadar, Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State. Berkeley, Los
Angeles, London, 1995, 141–150; Kiprovska, ‘The Mihaloğlu Family’, 196, 213–222.
3 Kiprovska, ‘The Mihaloğlu Family’, 214–215.
4 Hazim Šabanović, Turski izvori za istoriju Beograda. I. Katarski popisi Beograda i okoline
1476–1566. Beograd, 1964, 647; Hedda Reindl, Männer um Bāyezīd: Eine prosopographische
Studie über die Epoche Sultan Bāyezīds II. (1481–1512) (Islamkundliche Untersuchungen, 75.)
Berlin, 1983, 336–345. In early 1525, Bali stated in a letter written to Captain-General Pál
Tomori that he had heard from his father that both their families had originated from Bosnia
and that they were related. Tomori did not consider this to be impossible. See Vilmos Fraknói,
‘Tomori Pál élete’, Századok 15 (1881) 290: note 1, 388.
5 Reindl, Männer um Bāyezīd, 341–342.
6 İlhan Gök, Atatürk Kitapliği M.C. O.71 Numaralı 909–933/1503–1527 Tarihli İn’âmât
Defteri (Transkripsiyon–Değerlendirme). PhD Dissertation, İstanbul, 2014, 383, 392 (on this
page the year is given as 907/1501, which seems to be an error). The entries from this defter
pertaining to the year 909/1504–1505 were previously published by Ömer Lütfü Barkan, ‘İstanbul Saraylarına Ait Muhasebe Defterleri’, Belgeler 9:13 (1979) 296–380.
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WOLF ON THE BORDER: YAHYAPAŞAOğLU BALİ BEY (?–1527)
the west and the east, fighting valiantly against the Mamluks during the Battle
of Ağaçayırı in 1488, serving as the supreme commander of the large Ottoman
army sent against Shah Ismail in 1507 and leading numerous attacks against
the Albanians, Hungarians and Croats. At the turn of the century (or a little
later), Yahya Pasha married a daughter of Bayezid II, thereby becoming his
son-in-law (damad). South Slav scholarly literature generally identifies his
bride as Hatice,7 though this notion has been contested.8 Entries from a list of
gifts kept for many years (cited above) clearly show that Yahya Pasha married
Princess Aynışah.9 Their union took place after Aynışah’s first husband,
(Göde) Ahmed Mirza, was killed on 14 December 1497, during an uprising
in Azerbaijan, where he had gone earlier that year to reclaim the throne of
his grandfather, Akkoyunlu ruler Uzun Hasan.10 (Ahmed Mirza was the issue
of the marriage between Uğurlu Mehmed, the son of Uzun Hasan who had
taken refuge in Istanbul, and Gevherhan, the daughter of Sultan Mehmed II.11
The marriage of Ahmed Mirza and Aynışah took place in 1490 and produced
several daughters.) Yahya Pasha died in Edirne sometime after the middle of
July 1511.12
Yahya Pasha established the family headquarters in Skopje, where he built a
mosque, a soup kitchen/inn (imaret), a teacher training school (muallimhane),
fountains (çeşme), a mansion (konak) and a türbe. For their sustainment he used
7
Šabanović, ibid.; Dušanka Bojanić, ‘Požarevac u XVI veku i Bali-beg Jahjapašić’, Istorisjki
Časopis 32 (1985) 55.
8
Reindl, Männer um Bāyezīd, 341; M. Çağatay Uluçay, Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları.
(Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, VII/63a.) Ankara, 19852, 25; M. Tayyib Gökbilgin, XV. ve
XVI. Asırlarda Edirne ve Paşa Livası, Vakıflar – Mülkler – Mukataalar (İşaret Yayınları, 15.)
İstanbul, 20072, 475.
9 Gök, İn’âmât Defteri, 1106, 1156, 1218, 1240, 1377.
10 Şerefname. (2. cilt). Osmanlı–İran Tarihi. Translated from the Persian by Osman Aslanoğlu. İstanbul, 2010, 117. For the precise date of death, see Roger M. Savory, ‘The Struggle for
Supremacy in Persia after the Death of Timur’, Der Islam 40 (1965) 61.
11 Uluçay, Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları, 24–25.
12 Gök, İn’âmât Defteri, 1300. The last entry regarding Yahya Pasha was dated 14 July 1511.
He was formerly believed to have died in either 1509 or 1510. Reindl, Männer um Bāyezīd, 344.
According to Kemalpaşazade, Yahya Pasha died in early 1511. İbn Kemâl, Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân.
˘
VIII. Defter (Transkripsiyon). (Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, XVIII/10.) Ed. by Ahmet Uğur.
Ankara, 1997, 281.
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PÁL FODOR
proceeds from the large religious endowment he founded from his vast array
of real estate (houses, shops, baths, watermills, baking houses, soap-making
workshops, caravanserais, covered markets, abattoirs, storehouses, etc.) and
villages in Skopje, Loveç, Hirsovo, Sofia, Nicopolis, Istanbul, Tatarpazarı and
elsewhere.13 Yahya Pasha also founded a teacher training school and a primary
school (mektebhane) in Istanbul, which he financed with income from a village
around Gallipoli and a few endowments in Galata. He also owned a livestock
farm in Plovdiv (known in Ottoman Turkish as Filibe).14
Kemalpaşazade wrote the following revealing description of Yahya Pasha:
“This highly esteemed statesman was among the greatest of those dignitaries
who served at the heavenly court. He was among the senior attendants
who served at the threshold of the House of Osman which is the abode of
sovereignty. He long served in the distinguished harem at the time of Sultan
Mehmed Khan. He rose to high rank in the shadow of his grace. … He
first gave him the beylerbeyilik of Anatolia. However, he soon removed him
from this office, because they accused him of oppressing his subjects. After
dismissing him, he conducted an inquiry, and finding him innocent, again
honored the commander-in-chief: he benevolently gave him the beylerbeyilik
of Rumelia. When the sovereign, whose sins are forgiven, died and chaos,
rebellion and clamour filled the world’s stage, he became the chief commander
of the Rumelian part of the country. He again became the governor-general
of Anatolia and Rumelia during the age of the auspicious world conqueror,
Sultan Bayezid Khan. The light of the Sun-like [ruler]’s grace filled the candle
of his fortune and he glistened as a Sun on the celestial summit of greatness.
The multitude of his attendants and goods, the abundance of his servants and
household surpassed those of the other great governors and generous viziers.
13 His 1505–1506 endowment deeds were published in Serbian translation and (in the case
of the first one) in the original by Gliša Elezović, Turski spomenici. 2 vols. Beograd, 1940–1952,
I/1. 384–411, 420–525; I/2. 120–123. Cf. Vera Moutaftchieva, ‘Du role du vakıf dans l’économie urbaine des pays balkaniques sous la domination ottomane (XVe–XVIIe s.)’, in Eadem, Le
vakıf–un aspect de la structure socio-économique de l’Empire ottoman (XVe–XVIIe s.). Sofia, 1981,
206–207; Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 56.
14 Gökbilgin, Edirne ve Paşa Livası, 456–458; Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 56; cf. Reindl, Männer
um Bāyezīd, 344; Aleksandar Fotić, ‘Yahyapaşa-oğlu Mehmed Pasha’s Evkaf in Belgrade’, Acta
Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 54:4 (2001) 438–439.
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WOLF ON THE BORDER: YAHYAPAŞAOğLU BALİ BEY (?–1527)
… His illustrious children, who were the lions of the reeds of the fight for faith
(gaza), as a spear and drown sword proceeded behind him and before him.”15
All seven of Yahya Pasha’s sons – Bali, Mahmud, Mehmed, Sinan, Ahmed,
İskender, and Mustafa – were adults at the time of his marriage into the sultan’s
family and therefore had no royal blood.16 Bali Bey was the eldest son and he
became the recognized leader of the clan after his father’s death. Although Bali
Bey is mentioned in a relatively great number of sources (compared to other
major actors of the period), the year of his birth is not known and there are
gaps in our knowledge of his career. Some Hungarian sources describe him
– and this seems to have been the source of subsequent misunderstandings
– using the attribute Küçük (‘little, shorter, lesser’),17 while Ottoman sources
occasionally use the attribute Koca (‘great, elder’).18 Perhaps the first word was
used to distinguish him from the “Great” Bali, that is, Malkoçoğlu Bali Bey,
while the second was used at the Ottoman court as a mark of respect, since by
that time Bali had proven himself to be a great warlord. The first mention of
Bali Bey dates to 1485, when he is recorded as the holder of a large prebend
(ziamet)19 in Bosnia, and he is subsequently identified as the commander
(subaşı) of the Yürüks, a peasant military organization in Rumelia.20 In 1498, he
obtained an immense amount of plunder during his participation in the great
15 İbn Kemâl, Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân. VIII. Defter, 281–282.
˘
16 Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 55; Gökbilgin, Edirne ve Paşa Livası, 458: note 729, and Reindl, Männer um Bāyezīd, 345. The latter work specifies only five sons.
17 Istvánffy Miklós magyarok dolgairól írt históriája Tállyai Pál XVII. századi fordításában. I/1:
1–12. könyv. (Történelmi források, 1.) Ed. by Péter Benits. Budapest, 2001, 154. According to
Istvánffy, the “exceedingly eminent strong man” received this name as a result of “the child-like
condition of his body”, though this was obviously not the main reason.
18 See the entries of the 1526 campaign journal on 30 July and 20 September: Török
történetírók. Vol. I. Translated and annotated by József Thúry. Budapest, 1893, 310, 319; Feridun Ahmed Bey, Münşeatü’s-Selatin. Vol. I. İstanbul, 1274/18582, 559, 563–564; Anton C.
Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher des ersten und zweiten ungarischen Feldzugs Suleymans I.
(Beihefte zur Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 8.) Vienna, 1978, 73, 88.
19 Šabanović, Turski izvori, 646; Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 56.
20 Ömer Lütfi Barkan, ‘Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Bir İskân ve Kolonizasyon Metodu Olarak İstilâ Devirlerinin Kolonizatör Türk Dervişleri ve Zâviyeler’, Vakıflar Dergisi 2 (1942) 342:
No. 183; Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 56.
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PÁL FODOR
incursion into Poland, which was led by Malkoçoğlu Bali Bey.21 It seems that
Yahyapaşaoğlu Bali, whom Kemalpaşazade referred to as a “freshly matured
adult” (taze yetişmiş),22 held the rank of sancakbeyi at the time (probably
commanding one of the districts on the Lower Danube). The evidence for this
is that the Rumelian beys had been ordered to participate in the foray into
Poland and that Hoca Sadeddin – another, though much later, chronicler who
gave an account of the event – also referred to Bali as a bey.23 But in 1504 he
was undoubtedly a member of the élite club of provincial governors (ümera):
an entry in the above- mentioned defter dated 8 September 1504 states that he
had “become the bey of the liva of Küstendil”.24 In 1506, he was appointed to
head the sancak of Avlonya in Albania.25 Bali Bey spent the year 1507 at the
latter location26 and perhaps most of 1508 as well. On 18 June 1509, he was said
to be the district governor of Silistra.27 Bali Bey still filled the latter position on
8 August 1511,28 though by 10 October of this year had become the bey of the
sancak of Nicopolis.29 In the latter post, Bali Bey faced a grave challenge: he had
to take sides in the struggle for the throne between Sultan Bayezid and Prince
Selim.30 Whereas most of the Rumelian beys gave their support to Selim,31
Bali Bey played a duplicitous game for some time. According to several reports
stemming from 1511–1512, he repeatedly informed Bayezid about Selim’s
21 Hoca Sadeddin, Tacü’t-Tevarih. Vol. II. Istanbul, 1280/1863, 81–84. On the Polish–Ottoman war and its international correlations, see Alexandru Simon, ‘Habsburg Politics at the
Border of Christendom in the Early 1500s’, Banatica 21 (2011) 55–71.
22 İbn Kemâl, Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân. VIII. Defter, 167.
˘
23 Hoca Sadeddin, Tacü’t-Tevarih, II. 84.
24 Gök, İn’âmât Defteri, 261.
25 Šabanović, Turski izvori, 646; Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 56.
26 Gök, İn’âmât Defteri, 619, 678, 705.
27 Ibid., 956.
28 Ibid., 1129, 1284, 1301, 1310–1311.
29 Ibid., 1343.
30 On this recently, see H. Erdem Çıpa, The Making of Selim: Succession, Legitimacy, and
Memory in the Early Modern Ottoman World. Bloomington, Indianapolis, 2017, 29–107. Specialists harshly criticized this book; the length of one review of the book is revealing in itself:
Fikret Yılmaz, ‘Selim’i Yazmak’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları 51 (2018) 297–390.
31 Çağatay Uluçay, ‘Yavuz Sultan Selim Nasıl Padişah Oldu?’, Tarih Dergisi 7:10 (1954)
124–125 and notes 15 and 17.
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movements (for example, his arrival to Akkerman), but then gave his backing
to Selim, initially supporting him in secret and then doing so openly.32
Bali was soon rewarded for his timely switch of allegiance: in late 1513,
the new padishah appointed him as the sancakbeyi of Semendire.33 This
appointment amounted to a recognition of his merits, for the post was the
most significant in the Ottoman border organization. As its holder, Bali could
exert – in conjunction with the bey of Bosnia – critical influence over Ottoman
plans and actions in relation to Hungary. Apart from a few short intervals
(during his redeployment to İskenderiye in 1518–1520, to Bosnia in 1521 and
to Vidin in 1523–1524),34 it was in this post that Bali strove unremittingly
to destroy the southern defense system of the Kingdom of Hungary and to
conquer the Hungarian and Croatian lands by means of uniting the military
forces stationed in Bosnia and in the other frontier sub-provinces (İzvornik,
Alacahisar, Vidin, etc.). In the period until his death in 1527, hardly any
major attacks or coordinated incursions were undertaken without his direct
or indirect involvement. A striking success came in late April–early May 1515,
when by means of a ruse Bali crushed the army of the Voivode of Transylvania
John Szapolyai as the latter lay siege to the Ottoman fortress of Havale (Zsarnó
in Hungarian, Avala in Serbian) that was blockading Hungarian Belgrade.35
32 İstanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (henceforth TSMA), E 6306, 6329 (?). According
to İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı (Osmanlı Tarihi. Vol. II. [Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, XIII/16b1.]
Ankara, 19753, 238: note 2), this report was written by Malkoçoğlu Bali Bey, though this is
almost certainly inaccurate. Selahattin Tansel, Sultan İkinci Bâyezid’in Siyasî Hayatı. İstanbul,
1966, 274–276. In one of his reports (TSMA E 5082), Bali expressed his veneration as follows:
“For this poor servant of yours there is no joy and support beyond the happiness-yielding threshold of the felicitous padishah… Whenever they command and request service from us, we go
humbly into this high service and place our souls and bodies at risk. We hope that the merciful
glance and high grace of the felicitous padishah will not distance itself from this servant of his…”
33 Šabanović, Turski izvori, 646; Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 56.
34 In addition to the previously cited works, see also Olga Zirojević, Tursko vojno uredjenje u
Srbiji (1459–1683). Belgrade, 1974, 261–264.
35 Ludovicus Tubero, Kortörténeti feljegyzések (Magyarország). (Szegedi Középkortörténeti
Könyvtár, 4.) Published by László Blazovich and Erzsébet Sz. Galántai. Szeged, 1994, 280–
283; Istvánffy Miklós magyarokról írt históriája, 154–156. There also exists a contemporary Ottoman account of the event: the letter that Prince Süleyman wrote to the pashas of the imperial
council based on Bali Bey’s reports (TSMA E 5438). For the English translation of this letter,
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Bali Bey was also closely involved in the great turnabout in Ottoman “grand
strategy” in 1520–1521, when the new sultan, Süleyman, abandoned his
father’s eastern-oriented policy and launched an offensive against Central and
Western Europe.36 During preparations for the campaign, Süleyman requested
the opinion of Bali, who had been transferred to Bosnia in early 1521. In
accordance with the interests of the military establishment in Rumelia, Bali
argued for an attack against Hungary and the occupation of Buda, since – in
his view – the Hungarians were no longer capable of resistance.37 After the
initial success of the campaign (the occupation of Szabács/Šabac/Böğürdelen
on 7 July), Bali received the unprecedented honour of being invited to express
his opinion on further military action in a personal meeting with the sultan.38
Bali unexpectedly advised the ruler to capture Belgrade rather than go as
far as the original target of Buda. He seems to have concluded that it would
be dangerous for the Ottoman forces to penetrate the heart of the country
without first acquiring this key fortification. Süleyman accepted Bali’s advice
and turned against Belgrade despite his ardent desire ride through the streets
of Buda on his horse at the end of his first military campaign.39
see the Appendix (No. 1). On the Ottoman–Hungarian relations and frontier conflicts in the
late 1510s, see Tamás Pálosfalvi, From Nicopolis to Mohács: A History of Ottoman–Hungarian
Warfare, 1389–1526. Leiden, Boston, 2018, 248–268.
36 On this, see Pál Fodor, The Unbearable Weight of Empire: The Ottomans in Central Europe
– A Failed Attempt at Universal Monarchy (1390–1566). Budapest, 20162, 56 ff.
37 “It should not remain a secret for the high throne that damned Hungary has no position
or strength that would have to be taken into consideration.” Pál Fodor, ‘Ottoman Policy towards
Hungary, 1520–1541’, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45:2–3 (1991) 335.
In this work, I concluded that this undated report had been written in 1524 or 1525 rather
than the likewise considered 1521, though in light of subsequent findings regarding Bali Bey’s
tenures of office, it has become clear that it was written in the spring of the latter year.
38 TSMA E 6060: Bali’s report to the sultan in response to the command of the latter received on the date on which Szabács was occupied (7 July). This report reveals that the sultan
had ordered Bali take up position on the Syrmian side of the Sava across from Szabács, and if
he could not cross the river there, to move on to the imperial encampment. Bali informed the
ruler that he would arrive to the Syrmian crossing in three days. According to the campaign
journal, he finally arrived on 15 July to the camp of the beylerbeyi of Rumelia, whom the sultan
had first sent from Szabács to the Syrmian side of the Sava.
39 17 July entry from the campaign journal: “Yahyapaşaoğlu Bali Bey, appearing before the
padishah, held consultations regarding the campaign and they decided to move against Bel-
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Bali Bey caused considerable destruction on Hungarian soil on his way to
the camp. The campaign journal describes Bali Bey’s depredations as follows:
“Returning from Hungary with six-seven thousand people, he captured three
castles along the way; he brought two of them under his dominion through
siege and put their inhabitants to the sword, while one [castle] voluntarily
surrendered. The infidel named Deli Marko – as he set off to take ‘tongues’
[captives] bragging of his valour – appeared in his pathway; they fought fiercely,
though in the end he captured the accursed alive, while he took the heads of
sixty unbelievers and brought the accursed to the high court along with his
armor.”40 On 24 July, Bali Bey entered the northern part of Syrmium and after
capturing Szalánkemén (Stari Slankamen; between 24 and 27 July), which had
been abandoned by its defenders, he kept watch over the Danube crossings
from here at the command of the sultan and took care not to let the Hungarians
take by surprise the besieging Ottoman military corps that were conducting
raids in Syrmium.41 Bali Bey’s reports and the campaign journal reveal that he
continually sent captured “tongues” (prisoners) to the sultan – sometimes just
a few, sometimes several dozen at one time.42 He attempted to draw close to
Pétervárad (Petrovaradin), once requesting that the sultan provide him with 15
grade.” Török történetírók, I. 289; Feridun, Münşeat, 510; Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher,
36. Bostan (known in previous Hungarian scholarly literature as Ferdi) attributes this change
in concept even more resolutely to Bali: “When they conferred in the presence of the sultan, the
decision to occupy the fortress of Belgrade was taken, upholding the words of Bali Bey.” Török
történetírók. Vol. II (1521–1566). Translated and annotated by József Thúry. Budapest, 1896,
50. Celalzade Mustafa wrote, to the contrary, that Second Vizier Mustafa Pasha convinced
the sultan to seize Belgrade. Török történetírók, II. 135–136; Petra Kappert (ed.), Geschichte
Sultan Süleymān K
. ānūnīs von 1520 bis 1557 oder T
. abak. āt ül-Memālik ve Derecāt ül-Mesālik
von Celālzāde Mu.s.t fā genannt K. oca Nişāncı (Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in
Deutschland, Supplementband, 21.) Wiesbaden, 1981, 56b–57a. The campaign journal does
not suggest that Mustafa Pasha, who returned to the camp on the date of Bali’s arrival after an
incursion into Syrmium that lasted for several days, met with the sultan. On the Hungarian
side, they regarded it as fact that the Turks had seized Belgrade based on the recommendation
of Bali: Pálosfalvi, From Nicopolis to Mohács, 407.
40 Török történetírók, I. 288; Feridun, Münşeat, 509; Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher, 35.
41 Török történetírók, I. 290; Feridun, Münşeat, 510; Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher,
37–38.
42 Török történetírók, I. 293, 295; Feridun, Münşeat, 512; Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher, 42, 45–46; TSMA E 5717, 6613.
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horse-transport vessels and 15 boats (şaykas) so he could cross the Danube at
Titel in search of prisoners, since “the news from ‘tongues’ taken on this side of
the Danube is not worth anything; those good, mounted infidel soldiers who
possess knowledge have all crossed to the other side.”43 Although Hungarian
sources claim that the troops of Palatine Stephen Báthory once crossed the
Danube and defeated Bali Bey,44 the latter reported that he managed to disperse
the 300-man élite cavalry unit of the palatine and the bans in the vicinity of
Pétervárad (capturing 47 of them and sending them to the sultan with another
Bali Bey, whom he recommended for an award).45 Following the occupation of
Belgrade, he received the mission of repatriating the surviving Hungarians who
had received clemency and had been sent by boat to Szalánkemén.46 However,
according to certain Hungarian sources, Bali’s men massacred Vice-ban Balázs
Oláh and his men as the result of a dispute they had had on the previous day or
perhaps due to some old offense.47
On 1 September, in the aftermath of the victorious campaign that culminated
in the occupation of Belgrade,48 the sultan rewarded Bali with a robe of honour
and 30,000 akçes.49 Then, on 15 September, Süleyman appointed him as the
district governor of Semendire and Belgrade, granting him an exceptionally
43 TSMA E 6328.
44 Kiss Lajos, ‘Nándorfehérvár bukása (1521)’, Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 2 (1889) 569.
45 TSMA 7184. This may have been Küçük Bali Bey, a relative who will reappear later in
this study. In another report, Bali recounts an interesting incident that provides a clear illustration of the circumstances that prevailed at this time: “Previously, an infidel named Yovan
from among the Syrmian infidels was in the captivity of this servant when he submitted and
went away to bring his family across with a safe-conduct. Somehow it became known and he
was unable to bring them out in any way. In fact, he was forced to suffer grave harassment on
the part of the accursed Hungarians. Now he has finally found the opportunity and has come
to this servant. Since he possesses detailed and reliable information about the position, movements and armies of the king and the ban of Transylvania and the other bans, we sent him to
the felicitous threshold.” TSMA E 5296.
46 Török történetírók, I. 297; Feridun, Münşeat, 514; Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher, 49.
47 Ferenc Szakály, ‘Nándorfehérvár, 1521: The Beginning of the End of the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary’, in Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor (eds.), Hungarian–Ottoman Military and Diplomatic Relations in the Age of Süleyman the Magnificent. Budapest, 1994, 69–70.
48 For further information about this campaign, see Ferenc Szakály’s excellent article cited in
the previous footnote (47–76).
49 Török történetírók, I. 297; Feridun, Münşeat, 514; Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher, 49.
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large annual prebend of 900,000 akçes.50 In subsequent years, the troops of
Bali Bey and Hüsrev Bey of Bosnia advanced in a coordinated fashion in
the Lower Danube region, in Bosnia, Croatia, and Dalmatia.51 In 1522, they
seized and destroyed the fortresses of Orsova, Pét and Miháld, occupied Knin
and Scardona; then, in 1523, they captured Ostrovica and in 1524 Szörény
(Severin) – to which they laid waste only to replace it with the newly built
Feth-i İslam (Kladovo) on the other side of the Danube. They sought on
several occasions to take Jajce, the last stronghold of the Hungarian defence in
Bosnia.52 However, some of the military operations that Bali Bey conducted
during this period ended in failure: for instance, in the years 1522–1523
he was unable to prevent the restoration of partial Hungarian dominion in
Wallachia;53 and in August 1523 the armies of Bali Bey and Ferhad Pasha
suffered an enormous defeat at the hands of the Hungarians in Syrmium
near Szávaszentdemeter (Sremska Mitrovica) and Nagyolaszi (Manđelos).54
50 Török történetírók, I. 298; Feridun, Münşeat, 514; Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher, 51.
Bostan states that 3,000 men were detailed to guard the fortress (Török történetírók, II. 55).
According to an official list prepared at the end of the year or the beginning of the following
year, the annual prebend of Bali Bey was 622,000 akçes: Ömer Lûtfi Barkan, H. 933–934 (M.
1527–1528) Malî Yılına Ait bir Bütçe Örneği. İstanbul Üniversitesi İktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası
15:1–4 (1953–1954) 303. This suggests that the sultan soon regretted his generosity, perhaps
because he did not want a district governor to earn as much as a governor-general.
51 For Hüsrev Bey and his activity, see Behija Zlatar, Gazi Husrev-beg. (Orijentalni Institut
u Sarajevu. Posebna izdanja, 32.) Sarajevo, 2010, 11–65. For an account of the conquests, see
Dino Mujadžević, ‘The Other Ottoman Serhat in Europe: Ottoman Territorial Expansion in
Bosnia and Croatia in [the] First Half of the 16th Century’, GAMER 1:1 (2012) 99–111;
Nenad Moačanin, ‘The Ottoman Conquest and Establishment in Croatia and Slavonia’, in Pál
Fodor (ed.), The Battle for Central Europe: The Siege of Szigetvár and the Death of Süleyman the
Magnificent and Nicholas Zrínyi (1566). Leiden, Boston, Budapest, 2019, 287–296.
52 Szakály, ‘Nándorfehérvár 1521’, 71–72; Zlatar, Gazi Husrev-Beg, 30–34; Pálosfalvi, From
Nicopolis to Mohács, 395–415.
53 Norbert C. Tóth,‘Szapolyai János erdélyi vajda 1522. évi havasalföldi hadjáratai. Havasalföld
korlátozott függetlenségének biztosítása’, Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 125:4 (2012) 987–1014.
54 András Kubinyi, ‘The Battle of Szávaszentdemeter–Nagyolaszi (1523). Ottoman Advance and Hungarian Defence on the Eve of Mohács’, in Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor (eds.), Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central Europe. The Military Confines in the Era of Ottoman
Conquest. (The Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage. Politics, Society and Economy, 20.) Leiden,
Boston, Köln, 2000, 94–115.
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(According to the contemporary chronicler György Szerémi, Bali Bey, who
was jealous and furious at the arrogance of Ferhad Pasha, the sultan’s son-inlaw, actually set a trap for Ferhad and greatly contributed to his execution one
year later.)55 In spite of the fiascos, by 1526 the frontier beys had effectively
deprived the Kingdom of Hungary of its southern advance positions (with the
notable exceptions of Jajce and Klissa) in preparation for the decisive Ottoman
attack that had been put on hold in 1521. Bali’s military expertise, advice and
troop movements then also played a crucial role in the Battle of Mohács, which
resulted in the collapse of the medieval Hungarian state that had stubbornly
resisted the Ottoman Turks for more than 130 years.56 The death of Bali in
the spring of 1527 thus represented the departure from this world of one of
the gravediggers and fiercest enemies of Hungary.57 The previously mentioned
Kemalpaşazade wrote the following about Bali Bey: “His awesome name is
known throughout the accursed Hungary.”58 Kemalpaşazade also described
the unrivalled “hero” as follows: “Yahyapaşaoğlu Bali Bey … whose sword is a
net cast upon the enemy; whose house is a convent, the lantern of which burns
the grease of the enemy gone astray; whose table holds bread kneaded with
the blood of the wicked infidel; whose morning and evening food is cooked on
the fire of battle; whose occupation both winter and summer is the plundering
foray onto the soil of the enemy; and who by virtue of the number of his
fighters and abundance of his implements of war is the most commanding and
formidable of the frontier beys. The aforenamed was the bey of Belgrade and
Semendire and the frontier infidels were so frightened of him that they did
not even dare to go out to their gardens and vineyards; if the rebels living on
55 See Dávid Csorba, ‘Orális török néphagyomány egy magyar krónikában’, in Pál Ács and
Júlia Székely (eds.), Identitás és kultúra a török hódoltság korában. Budapest, 2012, 327–337. It
must be noted that the author of the latter article on several occasions utilizes his sources very
loosely in order to support his concepts; see p. 331 in particular.
56 János B. Szabó, Mohács. Régi kérdések – új válaszok. A Magyar Királyság hadserege az
1526. évi mohácsi csatában. Budapest, 2015, 103–108, 113–114.
57 According to a contemporary letter, Bali was dead already on 16 April 1527: Anton von
Gévay, Urkunden und Actenstücke zur Geschichte der Verhältnisse zwischen Österreich, Ungern
and der Pforte im XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderte. Erster Band. Gesandtschaften König Ferdinands
I. an Sultan Suleiman I. 1527–1532. Vienna, 1840, 65: No. 43.
58 İbn Kemâl, Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân. VIII. Defter, 282.
˘
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the island of Syrmium even heard his name, in their fright they were unable to
grasp with their hands or to stand on their feet.”59
Indeed, Bali and his brothers bled for the House of Osman and the empire.
One of the younger brothers, Mahmud, fell at the Battle of Chaldiran in
1514,60 while two brothers (Bali and Mehmed) fought in the Battle of Mohács
as sancakbeyis and three brothers (Mustafa, Ahmed and Sinan) took part in
the battle without official rank as beys.61 One of their close relatives, Küçük
Bali Bey, played a particularly important role along with Mehmed during the
1529 siege of Vienna.62 The latter, as Mehmed Bey, gained everlasting esteem
through his preservation of the rule of John Szapolyai in Hungary during the
1530s.63 In the course of these years, they made great efforts to establish their
own dynasty – in political, financial, and social terms alike.
This was the intended goal of Bali’s marriage to a granddaughter of Sultan
Bayezid. My investigations have shown that this marriage likely took place in
59 This quote is based on a translation by József Thúry, Török történetírók, I. 210–211. For
the original Ottoman Turkish text, see Kemal Paşa-zâde, Tevarih-i Âl-i Osman. X. Defter. (Türk
Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, XVIII/13.) Ed. by Şefaettin Severcan. Ankara, 1996, 239–240.
60 Selahattin Tansel, Yavuz Sultan Selim. Ankara, 1969, 61; and based on the former source,
Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 55, 57. The fate of Mahmud is, however, obscure. Contrary to that stated
in Tansel’s narrative sources, the Mohács campaign journal refers to him as the very much living
bey of the sub-province of Vidin: Török történetírók, I. 319; Feridun, Münşeat, 564; Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebücher, 88. At the same time, a certain Mehmed is identified as the bey
of Vidin on the list of those who participated in the Battle of Mohács: Feridun M. Emecen,
‘Mohaç (1526). Osmanlılara Orta Avrupa’nın Kapılarını Açan Savaş’, in Idem, Osmanlı Klasik
Çağında Savaş. İstanbul, 2010, 211.
61 Emecen, ‘Mohaç (1526)’, 210–211.
62 See the campaign-journal entries in Török történetírók, I. 324–346 and Feridun, Münşeat,
566–577. Küçük Bali received the mission of taking the captured Péter Perényi to the sultan’s
camp: Török történetírók, I. 332; Feridun, Münşeat, 570. According to Sándor Takáts’s unreferenced account, Küçük Bali treated Perényi so well that “he received [Küçük] Bali Bey as his father”. Sándor Takáts, ‘Barátságajánló török–magyar levelek’, in Idem, A török hódoltság korából.
(Rajzok a török világból, IV.) [Budapest, 1927], 44.
63 Török történetírók, II. 102, 189; György Szerémi, Magyarország romlásáról. Translation
revised by László Juhász, introduction and explanatory notes written by György Székely. Budapest, 1979, 222–223. Mehmed’s name is also connected to the 1527 occupation of Jajce (along
with Hüsrev Bey) and to the 1537 victory over Hans Katzianer at Gara (Gorjani); cf. Fotić,
‘Yahyapaşa-oğlu Mehmed Pasha’s Evkaf ’, 440–441.
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1508, rather than in 1510 as previously thought, and that Bali’s bride was none
other than the daughter of (Göde) Ahmed Mirza and Aynışah; that is, Bali
married his stepmother’s daughter, or, seen from a different angle, his father’s
stepdaughter. This is interesting not only due to its piquancy, but because
it provides a clear reflection of the ability of the Yahya family to assert its
interests.64 However, the seemingly useful plan ended in failure as Bali and his
wife lived in separation and the woman shamelessly cheated on her husband,
a fact that was eventually reported to the sultan. Dušanka Bojanić speculates
that the couple was forced to divorce, though this is indeed nothing more than
conjecture.65 Apparently, Bali died without an heir, albeit one contemporary
document mentions a young man who makes a request for a prebend, stating
that he is the son of Bali Bey. In view of the information provided (for instance,
that he is the paternal uncle of Ali Bey), however, this Bali Bey is not clearly
identifiable as our Bali Bey.66
Bali endeavored to maintain and increase the wealth he had inherited
from his father. In and around Požarevac, in the vicinity of Belgrade and in
the sancak of Nicopolis, the sultan granted him abandoned land, which Bali
then tried to reinvigorate by bringing in settlers and by establishing various
religious and welfare institutions.67 Then using revenue derived from these
estates, including the village of Černova in the sancak of Nicopolis and the
village of Jakubci near Filibe (Plovdiv),68 he established a pious endowment
that served to finance the maintenance of local buildings and institutions as
64 Bali’s wife is first mentioned on 31 October 1508: Gök, İn’âmât Defteri, 851; for the other
information in this regard, see ibid., 1106, 1156, 1218, 1240, 1377.
65 Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 61–62. For a letter describing the profligacy of Bali’s wife, see M.
Çağatay Uluçay, Haremden mektuplar. Vol. I. Istanbul, 1956, 64–65. See the English translation
of this extraordinary document in the Appendix (No. 2).
66 TSMA E 8757. The young man requests that instead of the assigned stipend at the court
he would like to receive a timar and thus serve the sovereign. He emphasizes in a perceptibly
conscious manner that nobody among his ancestors had served and received soldier’s pay in the
court (thus serving to support the premise that was not a descendent of the Yahyas).
67 Šabanović, Turski izvori, 60; Bojanić, ‘Požarevac’, 50–53. MAD 506 Numaralı Semendire
Livâsı İcmâl Defteri (937/1530). Dizin ve Tıpkıbasım. (T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel
Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, 104; Defter-i Hâkânî Dizisi, 14) Ankara, 2009, 33.
68 Barkan, ‘İstila Devirlerinin’, 342: No. 183; Gökbilgin, Edirne ve Paşa Livası, 457: note 728.
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well as those established near the end of his life in Skopje, Požarevac and
Semendire (two masjids, soup kitchen, dervish convent, mosque, two baths,
bridge, public fountain).69 According to Bali’s last will, after his death his
younger brother, Mehmed Bey, was to manage the endowments; thereafter the
tasks of management were to pass to Mehmed’s heirs. A series of documents
have survived concerning the family’s livestock farms and stables near Filibe,
Edirne and Çirmen. These sources imply that in the 1530s the farms and
stables may have been administered by Küçük Bali Bey, who had, furthermore,
acquired tax-collection rights for the family in the region. The clan apparently
kept its camels and, perhaps, its horses at these farms and stables and possessed
granaries and, on the Maritsa River, mills as well.70
“Old” Bali Bey often undertook recultivation work in places that he and his
fellow governors had destroyed in earlier years during their brutal incursions
and plundering. This form of warfare – complemented by the traditional
Ottoman relocation policy – thoroughly altered the ethnic map and settlement
structure of Southern Hungary and Croatia.71 In place of the indigenous
populations, which had been destroyed or had fled, Balkan Vlachs and other
semi-nomadic peoples flooded into the area, as did refugees from Hungary
as well.72 With the consent of the sultan, Bali Bey systematically settled such
people in Syrmium, which had become depopulated, and in the sancak of
Semendire. Bali then integrated them – offering advantageous conditions –
into the Ottoman military organization.73 Ragusan historian Ludovicus Tubero
69 Fotić, ‘Yahyapaşa-oğlu Mehmed Pasha’s Evkaf ’, 439.
70 TSMA E 7687, 8176, 9196, 10542, 10543, 12282.
71 Several thousand inhabitants of Kölpény (Kupinovo), Barics (Barič), Zimony (Zemun),
and Belgrade who had surrendered both before and after the fall of the latter city were transported to Istanbul and a nearby village as well as to nine villages on the Gallipoli peninsula.
Feridun M. Emecen, ‘The History of an Early Sixteenth Century Migration – Sirem Exiles in
Gallipoli’, in Dávid and Fodor (eds.), Hungarian–Ottoman Military, 77–91.
72 Ferenc Szakály, ‘Honkeresők (Megjegyzések Cserni Jován hadáról)’, Történelmi Szemle
22:2 (1979) 227–261.
73 The significance of cooperation with the Vlachs with regard to Ottoman Turk conquests
and consolidation policies cannot be exaggerated. The seventeenth-century chronicler İbrahim
Peçevi draws attention to this as well, illustrating with several examples the good relations that
existed between the sultan and Vlach leaders: Tarih-i Peçevi. Vol. 1. İstanbul, 1281/1864, 16. The
many surveys and regulations that pertained to the Vlachs, primarily the so-called Vlach law
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wrote with regard to the condition of Bali’s army in 1515 that “much of it was
unarmed, since it was composed of Turks mixed with Illyrian herdsmen and to
the extent that it surpassed the Hungarian forces in number, it remained below
it in terms of the quality and strength of the soldiers…”74 Drawing strength
from this new social and power structure, Bali established his own power
base, conducting himself as an autocrat. (Incidentally, Italian sources already
describe his father as a crude and unrefined figure.)75 He then proceeded
to abuse his power, which, in turn, led to the launching of an investigation
against him in the years 1515–1516. Bali managed to avoid punishment
through a bribe of 50,000 akçes to the kadı who had arrived on the scene from
Istanbul and who proceeded to produce false witnesses and to arrange for the
execution of those who had lodged the complaint against Bali.76 The kadı also
promulgated a “law book” (kanunname) in the form of an imperial order that
regulated the obligations of Vlachs who lived in the sancak of Semendire with
regard to taxation, military duty and toward the sancakbeyi and his men.77 In a
report that has survived from the early 1520s, three serious accusations were
brought against Bali (addressed to one of the ağas of the court): first, that he
was using money to entice warriors in the border area to leave the other beys
codes (Eflak kanunu), provide a reflection of this. For the legal status of the Vlachs, see Nicoară
Beldiceanu, ‘Les valaques de Bosnie à la fin du XVe siècle et leurs institutions’, Turcica 7 (1975)
122–134. The Ottomans and the Vlachs moved up the Balkans together, pouring into Semendire
and Vidin (the Timok-Morava valley), Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, then into Syrmium and
Slavonia and, finally, into the narrowly defined region of Southern Hungary as well. See Nenad
Moačanin, Town and Country on the Middle Danube 1526–1690. (The Ottoman Empire and Its
Heritage. Politics, Society and Economy, 35.) Leiden, Boston, 2006, 15–35; Vjeran Kursar, ‘Being
an Ottoman Vlach: On Vlach Identity(ies), Role and Status in Western Parts of the Ottoman
Balkans (15th–18th Centuries)’, OTAM 34 (Güz 2013) 115–161. For an instructive series of
maps showing the Vlach settlements of Hercegovina during the first three and a half decades of
the sixteenth century, see 174 Numaralı Hersek Livâsı İcmâl Eflakân ve Voynugân Tahrir Defteri
(939/1533). Dizin ve Tıpkıbasım. (T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı
Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, 103; Defter-i Hâkânî Dizisi, 15.) Ankara, 2009, 70–72.
74 Tubero, Kortörténeti feljegyzések, 281.
75 Reindl, Männer um Bāyezīd, 342.
76 TSMA 6304. See also Tansel, Yavuz Sultan Selim, 21–22 and photograph No. 12.
77 Ahmed Akgündüz, Osmanlı Kanunnâmeleri ve Hukukî Tahlilleri. Yavuz Sultan Selim Devri
Kanunnâmeleri. İstanbul, 1991, 457–464.
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and join him; second, that he was both a cowardly soldier and a conceited man
capable of all sorts of wrongdoing; and third, that he was colluding with the
infidels, constantly informing them about upcoming raids.78 The author of the
report – a certain Ahmed who presumably served as the bey of a sub-province
bordering or close to the sancak of Semendire – characterized Bali as follows:
“He is the type of person who does not comply with the commands of his
majesty, the felicitous padishah. He does not fear Allah in the least. He does
anything that he is able to do. In short, his conceit and jealousy are so great
that they are unbearable. … If the felicitous padishah were aware of only one
of the deeds he has committed, he probably would not entrust the sancak to
his charge for even a single day.” The previously cited document regarding the
bribery of the kadı presents a similar portrait of Bali: “This country greatly
fears Bali. Here, people do not think of the felicitous padishah, but of Bali Bey.
They do not fear so much the sultan as Bali Bey. … None of his transgressions
are ever investigated. He has no fear of Allah and feels no shame in front of the
prophet. He does not fulfill the noble commands of our padishah. … As you
also know, the Yahyas have always been famous for their thieving habits and
their evildoing. … In this country, people do not obey the noble commands
coming from the felicitous padishah. Rather, they heed the commands and
words of Bali Bey.”79
How can it be that Bali Bey transgressed all boundaries and yet always
managed to survive investigations and other machinations to discredit him
and that his gravesite near Semendire became a popular pilgrimage site?80
78 TSMA E 6544. Interestingly, the previously mentioned contemporary chronicler György
Szerémi also stated that in 1523 Bali notified Pál Tomori of the impending Turkish attack
on Syrmium; see Csorba, ‘Orális török néphagyomány’, 333. As a master of dissimulation
(müdara), Bali often provided Hungarian commanders with dubious information. The previously cited letter in which Bali informed Tomori that they may be related was obviously intended to mislead and gain the benevolence of the latter. At the same time, mutual provision
of gifts was an established custom along the border. In 1525, for example, Bali sent a Turkish
horse to Tomori: Zsolt Simon, ‘A baricsi és kölpényi harmincadok a 16. század elején’, Századok
140 (2006) 861: note 193.
79 For a somewhat different translation that omits the reference to the Yahyas, see Bojanić,
‘Požarevac’, 64.
80 Evliyâ Çelebi wrote the following about this: “In praise of the pilgrimage site of the for-
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Obviously, the sultan balanced the pros and cons (the give-and-take equation)
and concluded that the overall balance was favourable to the central authority.
The undeniable abuses of Bali Bey were more than offset by the services that his
clan provided in the struggle against the archenemy, the Kingdom of Hungary.
While their father and Bali Bey had opened the way towards Hungary, the
surviving brothers and their children were able to raise the flag of the House
of Osman in Southern Hungary and Slavonia and then in the very heart of
the kingdom. Küçük Bali, Mehmed and his son, Arslan Pasha, were appointed
the Ottoman Turkish governors of Buda, the royal Hungarian capital, while
the sons of Küçük Bali, Derviş, Ahmed and Mahmud, were chosen to govern
important sancaks in Hungary. Even some of the clan’s adopted sons (such
as Kasım Voyvoda, later Bey and Pasha, who organized the first sancak to the
north of the Drava–Danube line and who later became beylerbeyi of Buda
and of Temeşvar, and Mehmed, the bey of Arad) received crucial roles in the
establishment of Ottoman rule in Hungary.81 While the sultan did on one
occasion issue a stern reprimand to Bali,82 he was generally lenient with him
tress of Semendire. First of all, there is a broad hill extending high over the western side of the
city. There [is] the pilgrimage site of the martyrs. In addition to that, lying to the west of the
city at a half hour’s distance in the direction of Belgrade along the banks of the Danube, Gazi
Bali Bey’s pilgrimage site [can be found] on high hill… He became a martyr in the year 933
(1526/1527) and is buried in this convent. It is presently the convent of the venerable dervishes
to which those with feeling hearts make pilgrimages.” Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî,
Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi. 5. Kitap. Topkapı Sarayı Bağdat 307 Yazmasının Transkripsiyonu–
Dizini. Ed. by Yücel Dağlı, Seyit Ali Kahraman and İbrahim Sezgin. İstanbul, 2001, 318.
81 Géza Dávid, ‘A Life on the Marches: the Career of Derviş Bey’, Acta Orientalia Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae 54:4 (2001) 411–426; Idem, ‘An Ottoman Military Career on the
Hungarian Borders: Kasım Voyvoda, Bey, and Pasha’, in Dávid and Fodor (eds.), Ottomans,
Hungarians, and Habsburgs, 265–297; Idem, ‘Macaristan’da Yönetici Osmanlı Aileleri/Leading
Families in Ottoman Hungary’, OTAM 38 (Güz 2015) 17–21. Cf. Markus Köhbach’s abundant collection of data in his Die Eroberung von Fülek durch die Osmanen 1554. Eine historisch-quellenkritische Studie zur osmanischen Expansion im östlichen Mitteleuropa. (Zur Kunde
Südosteuropas, II/18.) Wien, Köln, Weimar, 1994, passim.
82 For an examination of the problems surrounding the command/letter of doubtful authenticity that refers to this reprimand, see the Appendix (No. 3). The relevant part of this command/letter: “If, however, on the day of judgement they hold us accountable for these abuses
that have taken place through your activity as commander-in-chief and bey on the territory
under our control, we are going to take you by the neck and you will not be able to easily dis-
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and with most of his fellows, for the clans and political families headed by
these men (the Yahyas, the Aranids, the Memis, etc.)83 were merely doing on
a smaller scale roughly the same things that the members of the Ottoman
dynasty were doing, or had done, on a larger scale. The clans also constituted
a predatory/plundering confederacy (a term coined by Heath Lowry), just as
Osman had done upon the foundation of the empire.84 They too accepted into
their midst anyone who was willing to serve the interests of the empire and
of the clan, just as Osman had allied himself with Catalans and Greeks when
establishing his state. They too relied primarily upon their entourages of slave
origin, just as the House of Osman had done. They too destroyed their enemies
with fire and sword before establishing a new culture on the seized territories,
just as Osman and his successors had so often done. And they too employed
population exchanges and the settlement of slaves in order to revitalize and
consolidate the conquered territories, just as the dynasty had done for more
than 200 years.85 Still, while they made every effort to enrich themselves, these
clans were supremely loyal to the House of Osman. Thus, Süleyman saw in
Bali (and in the other beys of the border zone) a reflection of himself and of
his predecessors and a successful amalgam of imperial and private interests.
engage your neck from my grasp.” Yusuf Kılıç, ‘Kanûnî Sultan Süleyman’ın Semendire Beyi
Bâlî Paşa’ya Gönderdiği Emr-i Şerif. Takdim’, in Jean-Louis Bacqué-Grammont, İlber Ortaylı
and Emeri van Donzel (eds.), CIÉPO Osmanlı Öncesi ve Osmanlı Araştırmaları Uluslararası
Komitesi VII. Sempozyumu Bildirileri. Peç: 7–11 Eylül 1986. (Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları,
XXVI/2.) Ankara, 1994, 171.
83 For further detail regarding these clans as political families, see Dávid, ‘Macaristan’da’, 21–
23; Balázs Sudár, ‘Ki volt Jakováli Haszan pasa?’, Pécsi Szemle 9 (2006) 27–34. For the Istanbul
connections of the Yahya political family during the middle of the sixteenth century, see Pál
Fodor ‘Who Should Obtain the Castle of Pankota? Interest Groups and Self-Promotion in the
Mid-Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Political Establishment’, Turcica 31 (1999) 67–86.
84 See Heath Lowry, The Nature of the Early Ottoman State. Albany, 2003, 46, 54.
85 Géza Dávid’s research shows that the previously mentioned Derviş, the first bey of Szeged,
settled Hungarian captives at his family base established in the town of Jagodina in the sancak
of Semendire and that he even “abducted” a priest for them. See Dávid, ‘A Life on the Marches’,
418-419. For the practice of forced settlement/deportation (sürgün) in general, see Ömer Lütfi
Barkan, ‘Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Bir İskân ve Kolonizasyon Metodu Olarak Sürgünler’, İstanbul Üniversitesi İktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası 11:1–4 (1949–1950) 524–561; 13:1–4 (1951–
1952) 56–78; 15:1–4 (1953–1954) 209–237.
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For this reason, he took action against them only when the prestige of the
dynasty lay at stake. (This explains why in the spring of 1528 he ordered – to
the delight of the local population – the public execution of another Bali [plus
nine of his men], who, as the district governor of İskenderiye [in Albania], had
cruelly oppressed his subjects.)86 This also explains why he let the various clans
vie for influence and power, because he knew that in this way they would test
each other’s strengths and hold each other in check. And when he saw that
one of the political families was on the wane and that another more promising
family was striving to take its place, he would even help to foster this process.
On 3 August 1566, during his thirteenth and final campaign in Hungary, on
the way to Szigetvár, where just over a month later he too would lose his life,
Süleyman had Arslan, the governor-general of Buda, executed. With this act,
the success story of the Yahyas in Hungary met its end.87 Their place was taken
by the Sokollus, who in turn were removed from their privileged position just
several decades later. It was in this way that dynastic will and the struggle of
the élites turned the wheel of fortune in the European border areas of the
Ottoman Empire.
86 The most serious accusation lodged against this Bali was that he had seized peasant children and either sold them or given them away as gifts. The objective of the public execution
was “to serve as a deterrent for the other beys and ensure a tranquil life for the population”; see
Kappert, Geschichte Sultan Süleymān K
. ānūnīs, 176b–177a.
87 [Feridun Ahmed Bey], Nüzhet-i Esrârü’l-Ahyâr der Ahbâr-i Sefer-i Sigetvar. Sultan Süleyman’ın Son Seferi. Edited by H. Ahmet Arslantürk and Günhan Börekçi, proofread by Abdülkadir Özcan. İstanbul, 2012, 19v–20r. Political downfall did not, however, necessarily entail
financial failure as well: until the beginning of the twentieth century, the Yahya family earned
substantial revenue from its endowments located throughout Rumelia (which the family lost in
1913). See Moutaftchieva, ‘Du role du vakıf ’, 206; cf. Balázs Sudár, Dzsámik és mecsetek a hódolt
Magyarországon. (Magyar Történelmi Emlékek. Adattárak) Budapest, 2014, 50.
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appendix
1.
Report of Prince Süleyman to the Pashas of the Divan Regarding the Battle of
Zsarnó
Edİrne, between 15–24 May 1515 88
Your highnesses of the great pashas! – may Allah, whose name be exalted,
enhance your renown until the day of resurrection! After having presented –
together with the zephyr-caravan of conquest and power and the clever camel
of victory and triumph as gift and donation – the zephyr-like offerings of pure
and continuous salutation and the abundant and amiable pages of greeting
that blow from the rose garden of fortune and the fragrant orchard of respect
and which bring with them the scent of a light eastern breeze, we submit the
undermentioned before the noble presence of the notables of felicity and the
pillars of the sultanate.
The pride of the generous emirs, the servant of your eminences, Bali Bey
of Semendire, has previously sent letters on several occasions and reported
that on the 7th of the month of Rebiülevvel89 the abject infidels built a
landing dock on the bank of the Danube and crossed over to this side. This
is why we sent the letter of the aforenamed Bali to the gate of prosperity with
a servant of your eminences, Mehmed çavuş. At the same time, we sent the
çavuşes serving at our felicitous threshold, Beni and Hasan, your servants, to
the vicinity of Semendire, to Bali Bey, in order to take a look at the position
and movements of the infidels, to become precisely acquainted with them,
and to give an account of this. We forwarded the commands from the exalted
court to the sancakbeyis of Rumelia via courier and appended to them our own
confirmative orders. The sancakbeyis were just about to have the sipahi and
akıncı troops march to Semendire when the depraved infidels marched against
88 TSMA E 5438. For a summary of the content of this letter, see Sándor Papp, “A török
béke kérdése a Dózsa-féle parasztháború idején,” in Emese Egyed and László Pakó (eds.),
Előadások a Magyar Tudomány Napján az Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület I. Szakosztályában. (Certamen, III.) Kolozsvár, 2016, 239–240.
89 21 April 1515.
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the fortress called Havale90 and surrounded it. They shot it with their cannons
from several places and opened gaps [in the wall]. Before the other sancakbeyis
could join Bali Bey, the servants of your eminences, sancakbeyis Mesih of Vidin,
Ahmed of Alacahisar, Kasım of Prizren and Hacı of İzvornik arrived there
and held a council. They planned to await the other beys and together they
would take up the fight against the infidels. However, the defenders of Havale
then sent a messenger down from the aforenamed fortress and informed
the beys that if they did not arrive there by the next day, then – since they
had no more men and they had no strength to fight – an assault would be
launched against the fortress. The sancakbeyis, the servants of your eminences,
disregarding the dearth of people of Islam and the multitude of infidels and
asking incessantly for divine mercy and for the help of the holy spirit of his
holiness the prophet – may his name be glorified! – and knowing that the
exalted support and superior power of the padishah, the refuge of the world,
were with them, placed alongside the close relatives of the aforenamed Bali
Bey, the servants of your eminences, the ziamet-holder Bali91 and Rüstem, the
azab ağası and beşlü ağası and in addition the most valiant and brave soldiers of
Semendire, who as infantrymen attacked the foot soldiers standing alongside
the cannons of the infidels positioned below the fortress and dispersed them.
The sancakbeyis arrived in their tracks and assailed the camp of the infidels.
As they began to fight, around 20,000 armored cavalry rushed out from the
camp of the infidels and an enormous battle took place from morning until
afternoon. The infidel cavalry could not hold out, again withdrew to the camp
and for a while fought from there. Finally, the multitude of flags bearing the
sign of divine assistance and the deterrent spectacle of the heroes who enjoyed
the abundant and miraculous support of the saints threw fear into the cavalry
and the infantry of the infidels and unable to resist the effort of the fighters for
the faith, they surrendered their camp. Then through the mercy and support
90 As mentioned above, Zsarnó in Hungarian and Avala in Serbian. The other Ottoman
Turkish name for this fortress was Güzelcehisar. The Ottomans built it on the ruins of the
medieval fort of Zsarnó in 1442. This is the place from which Ottoman military actions against
Belgrade and nearby locations were launched.
91 The later Küçük Bali Bey, Pasha and the second beylerbeyi of Buda (1542–1543). To my
knowledge, this document is the first that refers to him as a close relative of the Yahyas.
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of God in the prosperous days of his majesty the sovereign, the army of the
infidels scattered and much of it became the food of the steely, shining sword,
while those infidels who escaped the saber were placed in shackles and locked
in the fortress. The infidels left behind 600–700 camp wagons, all of their
shields, cannons, flags, and tents as well as their other military equipment and
instruments and, defeated and hopeless, took to their heels. Our fighters for
the faith raised the flag of victorious Islam and assailed the infidels all the way
until Belgrade, taking the heads of the ban of Belgrade Mihály Paksi and the
ban of Szabács.92 The accursed known as the ban of Transylvania93 managed
to escape with a few thousand infidels and gathering all his strength fled to the
fortress of Belgrade. During the prosperous time of his majesty the padishah –
the shadow of Allah on earth – the infidels suffered a defeat of such magnitude
that it cannot even be described. In order to impart the good news of the
victory reaped in the fight for the faith, Bali Bey, the sincere follower of your
eminences, made a report via letter that he sent here with his relative, Rüstem
Bey, and with our çavuşes dispatched to Semendire, the servants of your
eminences, Beni and Hasan, along with two armoured infidels whom were
captured alive. For these reason we sent the servants of your eminences, the
çavuşes Beni and Hasan whom were dispatched to Semendire and took part in
the battle, with the friendly letter to your noble persons in order to recount the
aforementioned adventure before your jubilant presence as it happened and as
they saw it. What else might be said? Let new conquests and endless victories
multiply and proliferate with the lord of humanity.
Written in the first ten days of the month of Rebiülahir in year 921 at the
headquarters of Edirne. Süleyman94
92
93
94
Gáspár Paksi.
John Szapolyai (later king of Hungary, 1526–1540).
The so-called pence-form signature is located at a right angle in the right-hand margin.
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2.
Report of a High-Ranking Official to Sultan Selİm on the Profligacy of Balİ
Bey’s Wife Around the Year 1516 95
Let it be known to his majesty my sultan that a shameful thing has occurred
with the wife of his servant, Bali Bey of Semendire: they caught her with a
man in Skopje. I had the arrested boy brought in to me, we interrogated him
in the presence of several kadıs and he made a confession. However, unable
to tolerate this, I killed him. In addition, we had six of the gatekeepers and
procuresses executed. And after this affair had taken place, the woman went to
Istanbul without my permission. There several of her sins became public. She
made love with a Kuran reciter, a boy known by the name of Dellakoğlu. She
became with child from him and brought a girl into the world. She placed the
girl in the home of Hasan, the Kuran reciter at the Sultan Mehmed Mosque,
and committed her to the care of a nanny. Five or six months later the girl
died. She gave the nanny to Hasan as a gift and she gave many other things
to him as well. The kadı of Istanbul learned of this matter, brought the boy
in and beat him. After they beat him, the boy in his shame could not bear to
stay and came to Edirne. When he arrived here, he came down with a serious
case of malaria. Upon hearing that he had become ill, [the woman] sent one of
her people for him. They were already on their way from Istanbul when [the
lover] died in Babaeski,96 where he was buried. When the woman learned of
his death, she went out to Yenihisar97 under the pretext that there was a plague
epidemic in Istanbul. Then she went to the boy’s grave dressed in a disguise.
She exhumed him, took a look at him and reburied him. Around eleven days
later she again went to Istanbul. Now she is with the younger brother of the
deceased boy, the Kuran reciter named Dellakoğlu Bak. When the daughter
95 Uluçay, Haremden mektuplar, I. 64–65. The “high-ranking official” was most likely Prince
Süleyman, who – as the previous document showed – kept his court in Edirne during these
years. There were few others besides Süleyman who could have written to the sultan in such a
manner.
96 Babaeski: the second stop along the main route from Edirne to Istanbul.
97 Fortress known today as Rumelihisarı standing above Istanbul on the European shore of
the Bosporus.
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of Sultan Mahmud98 saw that she was pregnant, she spat in her face and said
to her: “Do you want to bring the girls of the House of Osman to ruin? What
kind of things are you doing? Do you think that this padishah is just like the
others? If he finds out about just one of the things that you have done, he will
break everybody to pieces; and you as well!” She has a slave woman named
Kamerveş and a Circassian slave named Ferayet. These are the procuresses. If
you desire to know the story of this affair, then have this slave woman brought
to you, interrogate her, and you will become acquainted with it. Among the
eunuchs sent in from the various households of Sultan Ahmet,99 there is one
who knows all the secrets. There is a slave by the name of Saru Djerzük (?)
İshak, he was also an accomplice in this affair. The now deceased çavuş who
lived under the Kuruçeşme aqueduct has a wife, she also knows all the secrets.
She [the wife of Bali Bey] does all of these things with the help of her riches.
Her fortune is boundless and unparalleled. For the salvation of the souls of
Gazi Sultan Bayezid and Gazi Sultan Mehmed, examine this situation and
rectify it! If the common people disapprove of these affairs, how could the
padishah tolerate them! What more might be said? Otherwise, the decision is
my sultan’s prerogative.
3.
The Alleged Command or Letter of Sultan Süleyman to Balİ Bey of Semendİre
T
his peculiar document document has been known for decades among Ottomanists and has
appeared on several occasions in scholarly literature.100 K. E. Kürkçüoğlu, who first published the
document, noticed after the appearance of his article that another version of it had appeared in
the collection of documents that Feridun Bey presented to Murad III in 1574. The latter version
of the document differed from that which Kürkçüoğlu had published in several regards, notably
in that its issuer was Murad I (1362–1389) and its recipient was Evrenos Bey, the conqueror of
98
The son of Bayezid II who died in 1507.
99
The son of Bayezid II, whom his brother and main adversary, Sultan Selim, had killed in
April 1513 after winning their struggle for the throne.
100 Kemâl Edîb Kürkçüoğlu, ‘Kanuni’nin Bali Beğ’e Gönderdiği Hat. t. -i Humāyūn’, Ankara
˘
Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi 8:1–2 (1950) 225–231; Kılıç, ‘Kanûnî Sultan Süleyman’ın’, 168–172 (he was unfamiliar with the previous publication); Kânûnî Sultan
Süleyman Han’ın Semendire Sancakbeyi Gâzî Bâlî Bey’e Mektubu. İstanbul, 2007.
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Rumelia.101 Those who subsequently published and cited the document generally overlooked
this disconcerting fact and expressed no doubt regarding its authenticity, deeming it to be an
order addressed to Bali Bey and an important manifestation of Sultan Süleyman concerning
royal authority. Serving to further complicate the situation, an anonymous publisher102 identified
this Bali not as Yahyapaşaoğlu Bali, but as Malkoçoğlu Bali, which is strange because the latter
died around the year 1510 and thus could not have been sancakbeyi of Semendire at the time of
Süleyman. Kürkçüoğlu, citing the falsifications of Feridun Bey to which several researchers had
drawn attention, adhered to his viewpoint that that the document originated with Süleyman
and was intended for Bali Bey. According to Kürkçüoğlu, it could not have been written during
the time of Murad I, because at that time the language of documents was much simpler.
Moreover, in Kürkçüoğlu’s opinion, the fact that the Yahya family possessed a copy of the
document in the middle of the twentieth century also represented significant evidence regarding
its origin. The obvious problems with regard to chronology and genre did not bother those who
subsequently published and used it. Whereas Feridun Bey characterized the document as a
berat (appointment diploma, in this case granting a sancak to Evrenos), one modern publisher
qualified it as a hatt-i hümayun (order that the sultan wrote with his own hand), another as an
emr-i şerif (noble order) and yet another as a mektub (letter) even though the word tevki – the
term used to designate decrees that the divan issued in the sultan’s name – appears in the text.
However, the document can immediately be recognized not as an ordinary command, but as a
“work of art” that resembled the nashihatname (“advice literature”) known as “mirror for princes”
in Europe. The text evokes the paternalistic tone of nashihatname in which the sovereign explains
the principles of good governance to the gallant though unscrupulous Evrenos Bey or Bali Bey.
The numbers specified in the various versions of the document are unrealistic and fanciful and
become increasingly extravagant with time. Feridun Bey’s compilation of texts are dated between
26 October and 4 November 1386, while the alleged date of the earliest version connected to
Bali Bey is 9 March–7 April 1532 (Kürkçüoğlu). The second is dated 26 March–23 April
1629 (though this may be an error; Kânûnî Sultan Süleyman) and the third is undated and was
copied into a compendium of documents prepared at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries (Kılıç). None of these dates coincides with the lifetime of Bali Bey, who, as previously
mentioned, died in the spring of 1527. The text was obviously popular and was read and copied
for generations. Although the text changed little in terms of content over time, it did undergo
a somewhat greater transformation in terms of form. The language used in Feridun Bey’s
compilation closely resembled the style used in the Ottoman chancellery during the sixteenth
101 Kemâl Edib Kürkçüoğlu, ‘Münşe’âtu’s-Salâtîn’e Dâir Kısa Bir Not’, Ankara Üniversitesi
Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi 8:3 (1950) 328; cf. Feridun, Münşeat, I. 87–89.
102 Kânûnî Sultan Süleyman Han’ın.
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century. The first two versions connected to Bali are linguistically simpler and sometimes almost
clumsy, though subsequent authors visibly made the text more coherent and elegant. The author
of the present study, based on the data with which he is familiar, would have difficulty taking a
position with regard to question of when the “original/first” version of the document was actually
written and to whom it was addressed. However, one should consider the fact that one of the
most important titles of the designated recipient of the document (in the versions addressed to
Bali as well!) corresponds to the 1417 inscription that appears on the sarcophagus of Evrenos
Bey, son of İsa, in Yenice-i Vardar (today Giannitsa, Greece): “King of the gazis and fighters of
the jihad, slayer of the infidels and the pagans” (melikü’l-guzzat ve’l-mücahidin, katilü’l-kefere ve’lmüşrikin).103 Yet before drawing far-reaching conclusions from this circumstance, one should also
recall that similar attributives can be found in Bali Bey’s charter confirmed by Ebussuud Efendi
on 15 March 1545 (“paragon of the gazis and fighters of the jihad, annihilator of the infidels
and the pagans” [kıdvetü’l-guzzat ve’l-mücahidin, kamıü’l-keferet ve’l-müşrikin]; see Elezović, Turski
spomenici, I/1, 479). The title “commander/prince of the faithful” (emirü’l-müminin) that is used
emphatically in the document is nevertheless much more compatible with the words “martyr”
(şehid) and “pilgrim” (hacı) used on inscriptions pertaining to Evrenos, who along with his father
of Catalonian origin was the cofounder of the Ottoman state and who – just as the leader of the
contemporary Mihaloğlu clan – indeed bore titles similar to those of the sultan. Based on these
considerations, it is not inconceivable that an exchange of letters between Murad I and Evrenos
served as the foundation for later revisions that transformed very simple texts into a moralizing
document on statesmanship that was subsequently (after Bali’s death) regarded as a suitable
general representation of relations between Süleyman and Bali and in a broader sense between
the sultan and the frontier beys. (In any case, the text should be compared to the early, fifteenthcentury, mirrors for princes, most of which are the translations of “classical” works, in order to find
its origins). One thing is certain: whoever put together the first version of the document connected
to Bali was not merely articulating the interests of sultanic power, but – using the example of Bali –
rendering tribute to the achievements of the frontier beys as well and consciously emphasizing the
interdependence of the two poles. At the same time, the text refers in succession to problems that
were a source of continual aggravation for central authorities: the accumulation of wealth among
leading officials in the frontier regions, the placement of this wealth into foundations, corrupt
practices related to plunder, disregard for law and order, abuse of power, etc. As mentioned above,
the possibility cannot be excluded that an exchange of correspondence (perhaps containing a
103 Heath W. Lowry and İsmail E. Erünsal, The Evrenos Dynasty of Yenice-i Vardar: Notes
and Documents. İstanbul, 2010, 89. The fact that a member of the court used the term melik
(king) to describe the beylerbeyi of Anatolia and the sancakbeyis of Rumelia in a 1511 letter to
Selim may provide a foundation for an assessment of the usage and content of this word. See
Uluçay, ‘Yavuz Sultan Selim’, 122: note 11.
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PÁL FODOR
threat from the sultan) between Süleyman and Bali served as the impetus for the revision of the
basic text (the fact that the previously cited portion of the letter implying this motive [footnote no.
82] does not appear in the variation of the text addressed to Evrenos alludes to this possibility).
The translation below is based on the latest version of the text, which is phrased more clearly than
the previous versions, though does not differ significantly from them in terms of content.104
The copy of the noble command of his majesty the deceased Sultan Süleyman
Khan who is the recipient of forgiveness – the mercy and pardon of God be
upon him! – to Bali Bey of Semendire kept at the Buda treasury.
Pride of the generous emirs, pillar among illustrious great, possessor of might
and respect, king of the gazis and fighters of the jihad, slayer of the infidels and
the pagans, my familiar friend, my distinguished veteran, Gazi Bali Bey! Upon
the arrival of this noble imperial command, let it be known that they read the
letter sent by you and we became familiar with its content. With the help of
Allah – may he be exalted! – you seized 18 castles and sent 30,000 beams to
my imperial naval arsenal. You also sent the heads of 60,000 infidels. May God
bless you, let your face be white in this world and in the world beyond and let
my bread be to your health!
However, you also asked for a horse-tail standard (tuğ).105 Gazi Bali Bey,
this is not the time [to ask] for a tuğ. Although you have placed us under a
debt of gratitude with this service and good deed, we have previously done
three good things for you. The first was this: we addressed you as “commander
of the faithful”; the second: we sent you a very precious robe of honour; the
third: we gave you the victorious tuğ of his holiness, the most generous apostle
– may Allah commend and salute him!106 We honoured you and expressed
104 Kılıç, ‘Kanûnî Sultan Süleyman’ın’, 170–172 (transcription), photographs 1–3. The note
that the original version of this variant of the text was once kept at the Buda treasury is interesting and, if true, very significant.
105 The horse-tail standard was an old Turkish symbol of power. In the Ottoman Empire,
the sovereign had six such standards, while the viziers had three, the beylerbeyis had two and
the sancakbeyis had one.
106 Bali Bey could obviously not have been presented with such a standard. The holy banner
of Muhammad (liva-i şerif) was not a tuğ, but a black flag that the Ottomans likely acquired
during their conquest of Egypt and the holy cities and took on their military campaigns beginning with the Long Turkish War (1593–1606). In the version of the text published in Feridun,
Münşeat, I. 87, the term tabl ve alem (“military band”) figures instead of tuğ.
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our esteem with these three things. There is no greater gift than this. Now you
should give thanks for these good deeds and show your gratitude.
Be well aware that power resembles a two-panned scale. One of the pans is
heaven, the other is hell. In this corruptible world, one hour of righteousness
is worth more than seventy years of prayer. Let God – may he be praised
and exalted! – place all of us in the company of the righteous on the day of
judgement! Never forget about this final day. On the day when fire consumes
the book of our deeds like dry wood, let you be filled with worry and be on
the watch!
If, however, on the day of judgement they hold us accountable for these
abuses that have taken place through your activity as commander-in-chief and
bey on the territory under our control, we are going to take you by the neck
and you will not be able to easily disengage your neck from my grasp. Be very
cautious not to let conceit fill your heart and do not say that you have conquered
countries through your own strength and with your sword. The country belongs
in the first order to the Creator, then to the caliph of the surface of the earth. Be
aware that everything is from the Creator – may he be exalted!
It came to my royal attention that in fortresses that you occupied you reserved
the goods and foodstuffs for the treasury. I do not give my royal consent for this
act. Reserve a fifth of the booty for the treasury and distribute the rest among
the army of Islam. Because these spoils belong to the Muslim soldiers.
Look upon the veteran warriors as if they were your father, the middleaged ones as if they were your brothers, the young ones as if they were your
sons. Show honour and reverence toward your father, honour and esteem
toward your brothers and compassion and mercy toward your sons. Take care
that the army of Islam suffers no scarcity of any kind, do not begrudge them
the benefactions and wealth you have in your possession, but dispense these
to them abundantly. If there is not sufficient money in the treasury of the
army and you suffer need, let me know. I am not so poor that with the help
of Allah – may he be exalted! – I could not send one or two thousand purses
[of money].107
107 The first of the previous two versions mentions 300–400 purses (kese) of reimbursement
(harclık), while the second refers to 500 purses of akçes.
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PÁL FODOR
Do not pester the tax-paying subjects (reaya) with unbearable tax burdens.
Take extreme care in this regard, because if our reaya live in calm, then the
infidel reaya will become inclined toward us and will come over to our side. Pay
attention to the poor of the Muslim communities living there in small and big
cities and if there be among them some who are in need of alms, provide them
with foodstuffs from the treasury. Because the poor are the kind servants of
God – may he be praised and exalted! The Muslim public treasury is for the
servants of God.
If the apostolic offspring settle in those parts, command a daily allowance
of one gold piece108 for every one of them from the tax-farms and treasuries
and make sure that the apostolic offspring suffer no need of any kind. I have
appointed our lord Mustafa, the paragon of the kadıs and the magistrates,
the mine of virtue and erudition – may his virtues increase! – to serve as the
judge of my imperial camp.109 When he arrives, submit and render homage to
the sacred law in all regards and do not neglect to show respect toward him.
Act according to the sacred hadith110 “the jurists are the heirs of the prophets”,
commit no error in the paying of respect.
If you want to use somebody for some service, by no means pass judgment
according to his previous situation. There are many people who appear to
be followers of asceticism as long as they find no opportunity; though when
this opportunity comes to them, they become Nimrod111 and pharaoh. Do
not employ such people in your service until you have from time to time and
repeatedly tried them out in the administration of affairs. If their subsequent
and previous situations show agreement, then employ them. There are also
some who fast during the day and pray at night.112 Those are the kind who are
108 This did not appear in the previous versions of the text. The stipulation of a daily allowance of one gold piece is obviously an intentional exaggeration.
109 A “judge of the camp” (ordu kadısı) was appointed for each military campaign to arbitrate
legal disputes that emerged within the army.
110 The sayings and actions of the prophet; one of the major sources of Islamic law.
111 According to Islamic legend, Nimrod was a cruel and godless ruler who cast Abraham
into the fire, but the latter was able to escape with the help of Allah.
112 Here the sentence “But in fact they are idolaters” is omitted, while it appears in the
other two versions of the text (Kürkçüoğlu, ‘Kanuni’nin’, 229; Kânûnî Sultan Süleyman Han’ın,
13; and similarly Feridun, Münşeat, I. 88). The omitted sentence makes the previous one intel-
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drawn toward the secular, they like such things. Be very careful to avoid people
like this. Do not give yourself over to fleeting things either.
You wanted to make a few villages and places into religious foundations.
I swear to Allah the most high that you can establish foundations in all of the
territories that you have conquered, it has my royal blessing.
If the padishahs who follow me do not show respect to your children and
their families and offend them, let the curse of Allah, the angels and all men
fall upon them and on the day of judgment I myself shall be their accuser and
enemy.113
Now, therefore, Gazi Bali Bey, spur your horse into a swift run, let your
sword be sharp and keep watch over your valiant warriors and your useful men.
No matter where you go, let your horse be fleet, your sword be sharp and luck
accompany you! Let God – may he be glorified and exalted! – help you in your
affairs that are the most useful to the religion of Islam, let Him stand next to
you and extend toward you a helping hand. Amen for the sake of the lord of
the prophets.
The end.
ligible, since there would obviously have been no problem with those who “fast during the day
and pray at night” unless they were in this way attempting to conceal something.
113 In one version (Kânûnî Sultan Süleyman Han’ın, 11–12), there appears at the beginning
of this part of the text a sentence stating that Bali asked the sovereign to issue a sultanic order
guaranteeing the future inviolability of his family (this sentence is also present in the Feridun
version of the text: Münşeat, I. 88).
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FIRANGI, ZARBZAN, AND RUM DASTURI:
THE OTTOMANS AND THE
DIFFUSION OF FIREARMS IN ASIA
Gábor Ágoston
Georgetown University
agostong@georgetown.edu
The appearance and mass employment of firearms in warfare was one of the
most significant developments of the late Middle Ages. First manufactured in
China in the 1280s, gunpowder weapons had reached both the Muslim World
and Christian Europe within decades, and by the early fourteenth century
firearms were being used in European battlefields and sieges. By mid-century,
firearms had reached the Balkan Peninsula, and by the 1380s the Ottomans
were also acquainted with the new weapon, as they faced enemies already in
the possession of firearms: Byzantines, Venetians and Hungarians. Ottoman
soldiers used cannons in their sieges of Byzantine Constantinople (between
1394 and 1402, 1422 and 1453), Thessaloniki (1422 and 1430), Antalya
(1424), Novo Brdo (1427 and 1441), Smederevo (1439), and Belgrade (1440).
In addition to siege warfare, by 1444 the Ottomans had started to use cannons
and matchlock arquebuses aboard their river flotillas, and in field battles.1
Blacksmith and cannon founders from Europe helped in the transmission of
European gunpowder technology to the Ottomans. Some of these men are known
by name, such as Master Orban, who cast one of the largest Ottoman cannons for
Sultan Mehmed II (1444–1446, 1451–1481) before the siege of Constantinople
1 Gábor Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan: Military Power and the Weapons Industry in the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge, 2005, 16–21.
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GÁBOR ÁGOSTON
in 1453, and Jörg of Nuremberg, who served the sultan between 1460 and 1480.
But there were hundreds more, unknown to us by name, who forged wrought iron
guns, cast bronze cannons, manufactured gunpowder for the sultans, and operated
cannons and guns in Ottoman fortresses. Yet, the majority of founders in the
Ottoman foundries were Muslim Turks, as were the artillerymen (topçu) and
gunners (tüfekçi/tüfenkçi, tüfenk-endaz) in Ottoman fortresses and armies.2
Most of the artillerymen were members of the artillery corps (topçu ocağı),
which the Ottomans established as part of the sultan’s standing army in the early
fifteenth century, well before their opponents in Europe and Asia. By the
beginning in the second half of the fifteenth century, the Ottomans had organized
the corps of gun carriage drivers (top arabacı), who manufactured, repaired and
operated the war wagons in campaigns, and set up the wagon laager or tabur.
Firearms and gunpowder used by the Ottomans were largely manufactured
domestically. The empire possessed the necessary raw materials, and the
government established weapons and ammunition industries, which until the
mid-eighteenth century were capable of meeting the need of the armies, navies
and fortresses. The resulting Ottoman firepower superiority in turn forced the
sultans’ adversaries to employ firearms in ever-larger numbers and to reform their
militaries accordingly. The following essay offers new evidence and consideration
regarding the Ottomans’ impact on the diffusion of gunpowder technology in
Safavid Iran and the Indian subcontinent in the sixteenth century.3
CHALDIRAN AND SAFAVID RESPONSES
One stunning example of the efficacy of Ottoman firepower was the Battle
of Chaldiran. In the battle, fought on 23 August 1514, at a site northeast of Lake
2 Gábor Ágoston, ‘Firearms and Military Adaptation: The Ottomans and the European Military Revolution, 1450–1800’, Journal of World History 25:1 (2014) 88–90, 94, Table 2; Salim
Aydüz, Tophâne-i Âmire ve Top Döküm Teknolojisi. Ankara, 2006, 136–148.
3 For earlier studies see Halil İnalcık, ‘The Socio-Political Effects of the Diffusion of Firearms in the Middle East’, in V. J. Parry and M. E. Yapp (eds.), War, Technology and Society in the
Middle East. London, 1975, 195–217; Salih Özbaran, ‘The Ottomans’ Role in the Diffusion of
Fire-arms and Military Technology in Asia and Africa in the Sixteenth Century’, in Idem, The
Ottoman Response to European Expansion. Istanbul, 1994, 61–66 (originally published in 1986).
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THE OTTOMANS AND THE DIFFUSION OF FIREARMS IN ASIA
Van in present-day northwest Iran, the Sunni Ottoman Sultan Selim (1512–
1520) defeated his Shia Safavid rival, Shah Ismail (1501–1524). While Ottoman
numerical superiority and Safavid tactical errors also contributed to Ottoman
victory, Ottoman firepower and the use of the wagon laager proved decisive
factors against an enemy which did not deploy firearms in the battle. At Chaldiran,
Sultan Selim, “as was the Anatolian manner, surrounded his encampment with
shields and caissons, linking the caissons together with chains. The twelve
thousand matchlockmen he always had with him were stationed in front of the
lines.”4 When the Safavid cavalry pushed the Ottomans back, they retired to
their wagon laager, which the Ottomans had learnt from the Hungarians in the
1440s, calling it tabur after the Hungarian name of the wagon laager (szekértábor).
From behind their defensive wagon laager, which Safavid chroniclers described
as an impenetrable “strong fortress”, janissary gunners drove back multiple charges
of the Kizilbash cavalry, the backbone of the Safavid army.5
The lack of firearms in the Safavid army at the battle is puzzling, as the
Safavids had been familiar with the weapon well before the battle. Scholars
have long discredited the Sherley myth, which claimed that two English
soldiers of fortune, Anthony and Robert Sherley, introduced firearms into Iran
in the late 1590s. Contemporary sources demonstrate that the Ak Koyunlu
Turkmens – the Safavids’ predecessors in Azerbaijan and Iran – had used
firearms in the 1470s, under their most capable ruler, Uzun Hasan (1453–
1478). In 1501, Ismail, the grandson of Uzun Hasan and the leader of the
militant Safaviyya Sufi movement, entered Tabriz, the seat of his grandfather
Uzun Hasan, and declared himself shah of Persia and Twelver Shiism the
official religion of his realm. In successive battles, Shah Ismail eliminated the
See also Salih Özbaran, Ottoman Expansion Towards the Indian Ocean in the 16th Century. Istanbul, 2009, 273–282.
4 Ghiyās̲ al-Dīn ibn Humām al-Dīn Khvānd Mīr, Habibu’s-Siyar. Translated and edited by
Wheeler M. Thackston. Cambridge, Mass., 1994, 546–605, 606. Although several contemporary narrative sources put the numbers of the elite infantry janissaries with handguns at 12,000
or more, archival sources show that only 10,065 janissaries were paid before the battle, and only
about half of them were armed with guns.
5 Gábor Ágoston, ‘War-Winning Weapons? On the Decisiveness of Ottoman Firearms from
the Siege of Constantinople (1453) to the Battle of Mohács (1526)’, Journal of Turkish Studies
39 (2013) 129–143, particularly 134–137.
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remnants of the Ak Koyunlus, and conquered Diyarbekir (1503), Baghdad
(1508), Shirvan and Khorasan (1510). Just as the Ak Koyunlu Turkmens
before them, the Safavids were also familiar with firearms, which they used
occasionally to besiege towns. According to a later source, the Safavids owed
their victory against the Uzbeks in 1510 partly to their use of guns. However,
before Chaldiran the Safavids had not faced adversaries who employed firearms
in large numbers, and therefore had not integrated gunpowder weapons into
their army, which relied on the manoeuvrability and speed of the Kizilbash
horsemen.6
The Battle of Chaldiran was one of the most consequential battles in world
history. As a result of their victory, the Ottomans extended their control over
Eastern Asia Minor, parts of Azerbaijan and Northern Iraq, thus shaping the
spheres of influence between Sunni and Shia Islam for centuries to come. The
battle had immediate consequences for the development of the Safavid army,
too. Ottoman firepower impressed the Safavids, and served as stimulus for the
widespread adoption of gunpowder weapons in Safavid Persia. According to
an anonymous Ottoman intelligence report, by 1516 under the supervision of
the chief gunner (tufangchi bashi) the Safavids had manufactured 2,000
handguns, though Shah Ismail’s troops did not know how to use the weapon,
except for twenty defected Ottoman janissaries. The Safavids also manufactured
fifty cannons (top) and caissons (araba), modelled after an Ottoman cannon
and its caisson, which the Safavids recovered from the Aras river after
Chaldiran.7 In 1516 the Safavids captured another 70 pieces of artillery, and by
the next year the shah reportedly had some 100 artillery pieces mounted on
caissons. The number of tufangchis fluctuated in the years to come, but the high
numbers of 8,000 tufangchis in 1517 and 15,000 to 20,000 in 1521, mentioned
in Venetian sources, are likely to be inflated. Ottoman deserters helped to train
6 Roger Savory, ‘The Sherley Myth’, Iran 5 (1967) 73–81; Willem Floor, Safavid Government
Institutions. Costa Mesa, Ca., 2001, 177, 188–189.
7 Published in Jean-Louis Bacqué-Grammont, Les Ottomans, les Safavides et leurs voisins.
Contribution à l’histoire des relations internationales dans l’Orient islamique de 1514 à 1524. Istanbul, 1987, 158–161, see also 165.
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the shah’s gunners. In 1518 and 1519, 700 and 1,500 Ottoman janissaries are
said to have defected to Safavid Iran.8
Shah Ismail’s eldest son and successor, Shah Tahmasb I (1524–1576),
continued to use firearms both in fortresses and battles. In 1528 the shah
successfully deployed his cannons, matchlockmen, and the Ottoman-style wagon
laager against the Shaybanid (Shibanid) Uzbeks. Responding to Ubayd Khan’s
aggression against Khorasan, Shah Tahmasb confronted the Uzbeks at the Battle
of Jam on 24 September 1528. Although outnumbered and defeated on the
wings at the early stage of the battle, the Safavids ended the battle as victors, due
to their firepower and wagon laager. An eyewitness account noted that the
Safavids had 700 carts (araba), with four zarbzans mounted on each of the carts.
Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur (1526–1530), the founder of the neighbouring
Timurid/Mughal Empire in northern India, closely followed the Safavid-Uzbek
wars. Based on intelligence he received shortly after the battle, he reported that
the Safavids deployed 2,000 araba and 6,000 infantry gunners (tufangchi). He
also noted that the Safavids arranged the cannon and carts in the Ottoman
fashion (Rum dasturi tufak u araba tartib qılıp). Babur also added that the fifteenyear-old Shah Tahmasb remained in the wagon laager, while his cavalry on the
flanks fled the battle. Later, those inside the wagon laager opened the chains that
bound the carts together, and attacked the Uzbeks. This surprised the enemy,
and sealed their fate. These references demonstrate how quickly the Safavids
adopted the Ottoman wagon laager tactics, which had been one of the reasons of
their own defeat in 1514. One should, however, add that at the time of the
Safavid attack, the Khan was receiving his generals’ premature congratulations
on his victory, while a good part of his army had already left the battlefield. The
Uzbeks were in pursuit of the fleeing Kizilbash cavalry, plundering the Safavid
army camp, while others were heading back to Transoxania.9
8 Floor, Safavid Government Institutions, 178–179, 189; Rudi Matthee, ‘Firearms in Persia’,
Encyclopaedia Iranica. Vol. 9. New York, 1999, 619–620.
9 Zahiru’ddin Muhammad Babur, Babur-Nama (Memoirs of Babur). 2 vols. Translated from
the original Turki Text by Annette Susannah Beveridge. New Delhi, 1922 (henceforth BNB),
and Zahirüddin Muhammed Babur Mirza, Bâburnâme. Part Three. Chaghatay Turkish Text
with Abdul-Rahim Khankhaanan’s Persian Translation. Turkish Transcription, Persian Edition and English Translation by Wheeler M. Thackston. Cambridge, Mass., 1993 (henceforth
BNT) 347rv, 354rv, where the page numbers refer to the manuscript folios used by both Bever-
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While the decisive role of firearms at the battle was clear for the Uzbeks, too,
they were unable to integrate the weapons into their armies. They had access
neither to up-to-date imported weapons, nor were they able to manufacture the
weapons in large enough numbers. The most obvious direct source was Muscovy,
but the Muscovite government did not want to arm the Uzbeks. The weapons
that reached the Uzbeks via smuggling were not sufficient. Moreover, the
Uzbeks lacked troops expert in using firearms. Around 1550, the Uzbeks
recruited some Ottoman janissaries, but these were mainly used in domestic
wars. Although Ubayd Khan launched further invasions against Khorasan, he
avoided open battle with Shah Tahmasb, learning from his defeat at Jam.10
Despite the usefulness of firearms in 1528, Shah Tahmasb’s army, too,
remained largely cavalry, based on the Kizilbash horsemen, and firearms were
more fully integrated into the Safavid military only under Shah Abbas I (1587–
1629). By setting up a standing army, paid by the ruler, Shah Abbas intended to
establish more reliable forces, who could counter the Ottoman janissary infantry
and artillery corps, and also curb the influence of the Kizilbash Turkmens.11 Like
the Ottoman janissaries, Shah Abbas’s new troops were based on military slaves
or ghulams, recruited from captured Circassians, Armenians, and Georgians.
Ghulams had existed under Shahs Ismail I and Tahmasb I, but Abbas created a
corps of royal household slaves, and gradually increased their numbers up to
10,000 to 15,000. The shah called his ghulams “mounted janissaries”, as they were
cavalry, unlike the infantry janissaries. The ghulams did not foster an esprit de
corps, and did not develop into a “socio-political corporation”, as did the janissaries
barracked in Istanbul in the seventeenth century. Although the ghulams too
participated in the power struggles in the Safavid court, they did it not as a
idge and Thackston, and indicated in the various English translations. The battle is examined in
detail in Martin B. Dickson, Shah Tahmasb and the Uzbeks: The Duel for Khurasan with `Ubayd
Khan: 930–946/1524–1540. PhD Dissertation, Princeton University, 1958, 128, 130–134.
10 Dickson, Shah Tahmasb and the Uzbeks.
11 For Abbas’s military reforms see Lockhart, ‘The Persian Army in the Safavid Period’, Der
Islam 34 (1959) 89–98; Roger Savory, Iran under the Safavids. Cambridge, 1980, 78–79; Andrew J. Newman, Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire. London, 2009, 52–55. Newman,
however, emphasizes the continued military and political power of tribal forces.
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separate political interest group, but by joining forces with Tajiks and Turks/
Kizilbash “and thus forming ethnically and socially mixed factions”.12
Shah Abbas was keen to arm his troops with firearms, and created a corps of
artillerymen of 12,000 strong with 500 cannons. In addition to the artillery,
“several thousand men were drafted into regiments of musketeers from the
Chaghatay tribe, and from various Arab and Persian tribes in Khorasan,
Azerbaijan, and Tabarestan… Without question, they were an essential element
in Abbas’s conquests, and their employment had many advantages.”13 Established
as a separate corps under the shah, the musketeers (tufangchi) were recruited
mainly from Iranian peasants, and said to have numbered some 12,000 men.
Although the corps was created on the model of the Ottoman janissaries and
with the aim to counterbalance the latter, unlike the infantry janissaries, the
tufangchis were mounted infantry, who moved on horse but fought on foot. They
represented “a good (perhaps the best) instance of a hybrid and ad hoc Safavid
answer to the new military challenges of the time”.14 Abbas’s loyal chronicler and
chancery secretary (munshi), Iskandar Beg Turkman, claimed that in the spring
of 1602, when Abbas marched against Balkh, the last major Uzbek foothold in
Khorasan, the shah mobilized 300 cannons and mortars, with carriages and
chains, and 10,000 infantry gunners and artillerymen, who comprised about
one fifth of the 50,000-strong army.15 It is noteworthy that the Persian text calls
these cannons top-i zarbzan, a term that usually designated smaller field pieces
in Turkish, Persian and Arabic sources.
12 On the ghulams, see Giorgio Rota, ‘Fighting with the Kizilbash: Preliminary Remarks on
Safavid Warfare’, in Kurt Franz and Wolfgang Holzwarth (eds.), Nomad Military Power in Iran
and Adjacent Areas in the Islamic Period. Wiesbaden, 2015, 239. On the janissaries, see Baki
Tezcan, The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and Social Transformation in the Early Modern
World. Cambridge, 2010, especially chapter 6.
13 Eskandar Beg Monshi, History of Shah ‘Abbas the Great. 2 vols. Transl. by Roger M. Savory.
Boulder, Colorado, 1978, I. 527.
14 Rota, ‘Fighting with the Qizilbash’, 239.
15 Eskandar Beg Monshi, History, II. 809–810, 812; see also Floor, Safavid Government Institutions, 181.
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INDIA
Firearms had reached peninsular India by the 1460s,
but the weapon spread
only from the early sixteenth century onwards, and soldiers from the Ottoman
lands played an important role in the process. Threatened by the Portuguese,
the Sultanate of Gujarat (1407–1573) – a regional Muslim power that seceded
from the Sultanate of Delhi and developed strong naval capabilities with ports
such as Surat and Diu – sought help from the Mamluk Sultan Kansuh al-Gauri
(1501–1516), whose revenues from the spice trade the Portuguese endangered.
The Mamluk sultan in turn asked naval and military aid from the Ottomans. In
1507, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid II (1481–1512) sent to Egypt his
commander, Kemal Reis, with a fleet that carried fifty cannons, and copper to
cast more ordnance in Suez. In 1508, a Mamluk fleet commanded by Amir
Husain the Kurd (al-Kurdi), the governor of Jeddah, joined the Gujarati fleet
under Malik Ayaz, governor of Diu and a rich merchant. The allied fleet defeated
the Portuguese at the Battle of Chaul, south of present-day Bombay, and took
the captured firearms to Goa of the Sultanate of Bijapur. However, at another
battle near Diu the next year, the Portuguese destroyed the allied navy.17
Writing about the 1508 Mamluk-Gujarati victory three generations later,
the chronicler Muhammad Kasim Firishta (d. 1623), who completed his
Persian-language history at the request of Ibrahim Adil Shah II (1580–1627)
of Bijapur, recorded that the “Sultān of Rūm, who was the enemy of the
European unbelievers (Kāffār-i Firang), sent many ships to the coast of Hind
for a holy war (ghaza) and protection, and many ships arrived near Gujarāt…
Ten large ships of the Rūmīs, who were come from the Khūnkār of Rūm for
purposes of holy war, accompanied Ayyāz, and Ayyāz, having gone to Chēwal
(Chāul), fought with the Christians... and Ayyāz was victorious and slew very
16
16 Iqtidar Alam Khan, Gunpowder and Firearms: Warfare in Medieval India. New Delhi,
2004, 42–46.
17 Palmira Brummett, Ottoman Seapower and Levantine Diplomacy in the Age of Discovery.
New York, 1994, 35, 114–115; Longworth Dames, ‘The Portuguese and Turks in the Indian
Ocean in the 16th century,’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1921) 1–28, particularly 8–11;
E. Dennison Ross, ‘The Portuguese in India and Arabia,’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
(1921) 545–562, particularly 547–551.
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many.”18 Abd al-Rahman Ibn Ali Ibn ad-Dayba (1461–1537), a contemporary
Arab chronicler of the western Yemeni town Zabid, claimed that Amir Husain
was accompanied by Selman Reis, whom the Ottoman Sultan Selim (sic!)
sent.19 This is an interesting piece of information, because historians have
generally thought that Selman Reis arrived in Mamluk Alexandria in November
1511 with a shipment of Ottoman military aid, and that he entered Mamluk
service only after this date (at the latest in 1514).20
While Selman Reis’s possible participation in the 1508 naval battle at Chaul
needs further research, Portuguese sources make it clear that among the
soldiers of the allied Mamluk-Gujarati navy there were many Rumes, that is,
Ottoman subjects from Rum (the lands of the former Eastern Roman Empire,
now Ottoman Asia Minor). Malik Ayaz himself is referred to in the Portuguese
sources as Rume who knew Turkish.21 The Bijapuri authorities welcomed the
18 Dames, ‘The Portuguese and Turks’, 9.
19 Ross, ‘The Portuguese’, 549.
20 The exception is Brummett, Ottoman Seapower, 115, who, following Ross, claimed that
the Mamluk fleet of 1507–1508 was jointly commanded by Husain al-Kurdi and Selman Reis.
However, the standard works on Selman Reis maintain that it was only from 1514 onward that
he was in Mamluk service. In 1514 he helped to build a naval arsenal in Suez for the Mamluk Red Sea fleet. The fleet, under the joint command of Selman Reis and Husain al-Kurdi
launched a campaign in late 1515 against the Portuguese, partly to help Muzaffar Shah II of
Gujarat. However, this campaign never reached the Gujarati coast. The fleet built a stronghold
at the entrance to the Red Sea near Bab al-Mandab against an expected Portuguese attack,
and unsuccessfully besieged Aden. Selman Reis returned with the fleet, and in 1517 repulsed
the Portuguese attack against Jeddah, the port of and gateway to Mecca. See Svat Soucek,
‘Selman Re’is’, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition. Vol. 9. Leiden, 1997, 135–136; İdris Bostan, ‘Selman Reis’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 36. İstanbul, 2009,
444; Albrecht Fuess, Verbranntes Ufer. Auswirkungen mamlukischer Seepolitik auf Beirut und die
syro-palästinensische Küste (1250–1517). Leiden, 2001, 60–63. Ad-Dayba and Fihrishta might
have conflated the 1508 Chaul campaign with the 1515 expedition.
21 Malik Ayaz’s (d. 1523) activities in Gujarat are discussed in detail in Kuzhippalli S.
Mathew, Portuguese and the Sultanate of Gujarat, 1500–1573. Delhi, 1986, 24–40, and Jean
Aubin, ‘Albuquerque et les negotiations de Cambaye.’ Mare Luso–Indicum 1 (1971) 3–63, particularly 5–17. Regarding Ayaz’s origin, Mathew repeats Dames, who quotes the contemporary
Portuguese historian João de Barros. The latter claimed that Malik Ayaz was a captured Russian, sold at the Istanbul slave market, and brought to Gujarat by his master. Other sources
suggested that he was a Turk, a Tatar or a Persian, or hailed from Southern Europe, Asia Minor,
Armenia, Java or Sumatra. See The Book of Duarte Barbosa. 2 vols. Transl. by Mansel Long-
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Rumi soldiers and experts and resettled them in Goa with the help of Muslim
merchants, who also financed the construction of shipyards and military
plants. Conquering Goa in 1510, the Portuguese governor Afonso de
Albuquerque captured from the defenders a hundred large bombards and a
“large quantity” of small artillery. He also found cannons, mortars and
gunpowder in the armoury, which the Rumes stockpiled there. Impressed by
these weapons, Albuquerque sent to King Manuel I of Portugal (1495–1521)
“guns, which fire heavy cross-bow type bolts”, two heavy bombards, and a
sample of a cannon of the Goa Rumes, together with its mould.22 Three years
later, in December 1513 Albuquerque praised the high quality of the
matchlocks made by local gunsmiths in Goa, who “make guns as good as the
Bohemians”. In another letter Albuquerque informed his king that the Goan
gunsmiths “returned, becoming our masters in artillery and the making of
cannons and guns (bombardas e espimgardas), which they make of iron here in
Goa and are better than the German ones”.23
Military experts from the Ottoman and Safavid lands also played an
important role in the diffusion of firearms, the Ottoman-style wagon laager
and the associated fighting methods in the Timurid/Mughal Empire in
northern India. At the first Battle of Panipat (1526), Babur defeated the larger
army of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, due in part to his combined use of field cannon,
matchlockmen, and the Ottoman-style wagon laager. Babur’s victory marked
the end of the Delhi Sultanate of the Lodi dynasty and the beginning of the
Timurid/Mughal Empire in northern India. Before the battle, Master Aliworth Dames. London, 1918–1921, I. 130–131, footnotes. See also Aubin, ‘Albuquerque,’ 5,
and Giancarlo Casale, The Ottoman Age of Exploration. Oxford, 2010, 26–27. Sixteenth-century Portuguese sources used the terms Rume/Rumes, that is, Rumi (Anatolian/Ottoman) and
Turco/Turcos, that is “Turk”, for the Ottomans. See Salih Özbaran, Umman’da Kapışan İmparatorluklar. Osmanlı ve Portekiz. İstanbul, 2013, 59–89.
22 Özbaran, ‘The Ottomans’ Role’, 62; Rainer Daehnhardt, Espingarda Feiticeira/The Bewitched Gun. [Lisbon], 1994, 38; Richard M. Eaton, ‘“Kiss My Foot” Said the King: Firearms,
Diplomacy and the Battle of Raichur, 1520’, Modern Asian Studies 43:1 (2009) 289–313, especially 297–298.
23 Cited in Daehnhardt, Espingarda Feiticeira, 39. See also Richard M. Eaton and Philip B.
Wagoner, ‘Warfare on the Deccan Plateau, 1450–1600: A Military Revolution in Early Modern India?’, Journal of World History 25:1 (2014) 9–17.
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Quli (Ustād ‘Alī-Quli) “was ordered to tie the carts together with ox-harness
ropes instead of chains, after the Anatolian manner (Rūm dastūri bilä)”.24 In
addition to arranging the wagon laager according to the Rumi/Ottoman
manner, Ali-Quli was master in firing matchlocks (tufak) and firangi guns,
while the Ottoman artilleryman (topçı) Mustafa Rumi was a specialist in firing
small field pieces, called zarbzan, mounted on carts.25 Mustafa Rumi was also
an expert in setting up the Ottoman-style wagon laager. In the spring of 1527,
at the Battle of Khanua against the Rajput-Afghan alliance commanded by
Rana Sanga, it was Mustafa Rumi who “had made the caissons (araba) in the
Anatolian fashion, and they were very sleek and fast caissons”. This time, “the
caissons were secured in front and tied together by chains. The caissons were
seven or eight yards apart, across which the chains were drawn”.26 The use of
the Ottoman-style wagon laager enabled Babur to protect his soldiers in the
camp against cavalry attacks of a much larger army, which outnumbered that
of Babur by a factor of three to one. Small field pieces, matchlockmen and
archers placed behind the wagons, targeted the attacking enemy with sustained
fire, making traditional frontal cavalry assaults against the wagon laager an
ineffective and deadly enterprise. At the same time, Babur’s own horsemen and
infantry could charge at the enemy through the gaps of the wagon laager, while
his mounted archers on the flanks encircled the enemy.
The two types of weapon, firangi and zarbzan, are ubiquitous in the sources.
The firangi/farangi/firengi/firingi was a small anti-personnel cannon, which
translators usually render as Frankish, that is, European (Frenk/Efrenj from
the Arabic Ifranj) cannon, which reached the Indian Ocean via the Portuguese.
Historians posited that the term referred to the Portuguese breech-loader
swivel berços or ‘cradles’, “so called because of the open space behind their barrels
to accommodate a removable powder chamber”.27 However, it is possible that
24 BNT 264r. See also İnalcık, ‘The Socio-Political Effects’, 204; Naimur Rahman Farooqi,
Mughal–Ottoman Relations. Delhi, 2009, 13. While some historians consider Ali-Quli Ottoman, others posit that he was from Safavid Persia, who, however, used Rumi/Ottoman methods of warfare.
25 BNT 266v. Ali-Quli: nečä qatla yaxšı fırangīlär attı, whereas Mustafa Rumi: arāba üstidäki
darbzanlar bilä yaxšı darbzanlar attı. See also BNT 217rv.
26 BNT 310v–311v.
27 Eaton and Wagoner, ‘Warfare on the Deccan Plateau’, 26.
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the term is corruption from prangı, the name of a small Ottoman gun, firing
shots of 150 grams (50 dirhems or 0.33 pounds). The Ottomans used the
prangı guns from the mid-fifteenth century onwards in field battles, aboard
their ships, and in their forts, where prangıs often comprised the majority of
the ordnance. Also written in Ottoman sources as prankı, pirankı, parangi,
parangı, pranga, pranku, prangu, and parangu, the Ottoman term goes back to
the Italian/Spanish braga, short for ‘petriero a barga’ and ‘pedrero de braga,’ a
small breech-loading swivel gun. Most of the Ottoman prangı guns were cast
of bronze, but the Ottomans also used iron ones.28
By rendering the Ottoman prangı guns as firangi/farangi, contemporary
Persian-language chronicles conflated the term firang, meaning ‘Frank/
European’, with the name of the prangı gun. A similar merging of terms exist in
Chinese, where the word folangji is used for both ‘European’ and the name of a
gun, although the two have different etymologies. However, the Ottomans
used two distinct terms for ‘European’ (Frenk/Frengi) and the small gun
(prangı), as did Tamil and Telugu speakers, living in southern India and Sri
Lanka. Both have similar but different words for ‘European’ (paranki and
parangi) and ‘cannon’ (pīranki and pīrangi).29 Therefore, it is possible that
Ottoman prangıs reached southern India and the Indian Ocean through Rumi
artillerymen before the Portuguese and their guns.
Called darbzen, zarbzen, and zarbuzan in Ottoman sources, these cannons
were among the most popular types of ordnance in the Ottoman, Mamluk,
Safavid and Timurid/Mughal Empires. Although the term means ‘battering
gun’, and the majority of Ottoman cannons deployed at sieges were indeed
darbzen/zarbzen, there were also lighter field pieces called by this name.
The Ottomans distinguished between small, medium and large darbzen/
zarbzen cannons. The small ones fired projectiles between 50 and 300 dirhems
28 Henry Kahane, Reneé Kahane, and Andreas Tietze, The Lingua Franca in the Levant:
Turkish Nautical Terms of Italian and Greek Origin. Urbana, 1958, 122–123; İdris Bostan, Osmanlı Bahriye Teşkilatı: XVII. Yüzyılda Tersâne-i Âmire. Ankara, 1992, 88; Gábor Ágoston, ‘Ottoman Artillery and European Military Technology in the Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries’,
Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 47 (1994) 44; Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan,
87, 180; Aydüz, Tophâne-i Âmire, 392–399.
29 Kenneth Warren Chase, Firearms: A Global History to 1700. Cambridge, 2003, 242–243.
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(150–920 grams) in weight, the medium ones used shots of one okka (1.23
kilogram) in weight, while the big ones fired two-okka (2.5 kilogram) balls.
The smallest Ottoman darbzen/zarbzens weighed 54 kilograms, the heaviest
540 kilograms.30 The zarbzans used in the Timurid/Mughal Empire are
depicted in the Baburname as small field pieces with funnel-shaped mouths,
mounted on two-wheeled carts with spoke-less wheels, drawn by four pairs of
oxen. These weapons were very similar to the Ottoman darbzens/zarbzens,
described and shown in contemporary Ottoman chronicles and miniatures.31
Zarbzans seem to have been among the most popular guns in India. By the
1540s Humayun (1530–1540, 1555–1556), Babur’s son and successor, had
several hundreds of these field pieces. Muhammad Haydar Dughlat (1499–
1551) – first cousin of Babur, ruler of Kashmir, and the author of the
contemporary chronicle Tarikh-i Rashidi – noted that in 1540, at the Battle of
the Ganges (Kanauj) Humayun’s army had “seven hundred caissons, each
drawn by four pairs of oxen. On every caisson was a small Anatolian cannon
that shot a ball weighing five hundred mithqals”. Called zarbzan-i Rūmī in the
Persian text, that is, Anatolian/Ottoman zarbzan, these small field pieces fired
shots weighing about 2.2–2.4 kilograms or about 5 pounds. In terms of calibre,
these Mughal zarbzans were similar to the Ottoman big darbzens/zarbzens,
which fired shots weighing two okkas (2.5 kilograms or 5.5 pounds).32
30 Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan, 83–85; Aydüz, Tophâne-i Âmire, 373–386.
31 Gayatri N. Pant, Mughal Weapons in the Bābur-Nāmā. Delhi, 1989, 150: figure 260, and
Khan, Gunpowder and Firearms, 71–72, and 67: figure 10. Compare these with Ottoman cannons at the siege of Vienna in 1529, depicted by a miniature of Nakkaş Osman: Seyyid Lokman and Nakkaş Osman, Hünername, 1589. Vol. 2. TSMK Hazine 1524 fol. 257v.
32 Mirza Haydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-i Rashīdī: A History of the Khans of Moghulistan. Ed. by
W. M. Thackston. Cambridge, Mass., 1996, 400 [184] and Mirza Haydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-i
Rashīdī: A History of the Khans of Moghulistan. English Translation and Annotation by Wheeler
M. Thackston. Cambridge, Mass., 1996, 286 [184], where the numbers in square brackets refer
to the folio numbers of the manuscripts used by Thackston. In the sixteenth century, one mithqāl
(miskal) was 4.81 g in Anatolia, 4.6 g in Persia, and 5.41 g in Calicut. See Walter Hinz, Islamische Masse und Gewichte. Leiden, 1955, 5–7. Khan (Gunpowder and Firearms, 78) converted 500
mithqāl as 1.263 kgs, but he did not give any source as to why he calculated one mithqāl with 2.526
g. Using Khan’s conversion, Humayun’s zarbzans would correspond to the medium Ottoman darbzens. In addition to the 700 zarbzans, Humayun also had eight mortars (deg), “each drawn by
seven pairs of oxen”, which used metal projectiles weighing 5,000 mithqāls, therefore roughly cor-
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Zarbzans quickly spread in India and Afghanistan. Humayun’s rival, the
Afghan Pashtun leader and founder of the Suri Empire in Northern India, Sher
Shah (1540–1545), used zarbzans that weighed approximately 60 or 74
kilograms (four männs). These must have been similar to the brass zarbzans,
which Sher Shah commissioned in 1541–1543 from another Ottoman gun
founder, Khwaja Ahmad Rumi. One of Ahmad Rumi’s brass pieces weighed
59.79 kilograms, was 1.35 meters long, and had a muzzle bore diameter of 3.81
centimetres. It fired iron shots weighing about 170 grams. These Indian zarbzans
bore striking similarities to the lightest Ottoman bronze darbzens/zarbzens from
the 1560s. These Ottoman pieces weighed 54–56 kilograms, their length varied
between 1.32 and 1.54 meters, and fired 150-gram cast iron projectiles. In
Mughal India, such small bronze zarbzans were a new design, different from the
bigger zarbzans used during Humayun’s reign.33 The 35 calibre to bore ratio
suggests that they were designed for greater range, accuracy and were used as
anti-personnel weapons. The narrower bore not only economized on copper – a
metal in short supply in India – but also improved casting techniques and quality,
as the smaller pieces required fewer furnaces to pour the metal into the mould.
These lighter pieces also initiated a shift from stone projectiles of Humayun’s
time to smaller iron shots, the common projectile of the Ottoman darbzens.
Ottoman gun founders played some role in introducing new techniques of
forging and cannon casting into India. Ahmad Rumi helped to bring the skill
of forging iron cannons to India’s interior.34 Ahmad Rumi and his colleagues
were also responsible for introducing cast bronze cannon in the Deccan. An
analysis of the metal found that the bronze cannon that (Sayyid) Ahmad Rumi
cast for Sher Shah in 1542–1543 contained 84.72 per cent copper, 13.32 per
cent zinc and iron, and 1.83 per cent tin.35 The ideal bronze cannon in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries contained about 90 per cent copper and 10
responding to the 18-okka (50-pounder) Ottoman mortars. See Jos Gommans, Mughal Warfare:
Indian Frontiers and High Roads to Empire, 1500–1700. London, 2002, 148.
33 See Khan, Gunpowder and Firearms, 74, 87–88: endnotes 65 and 69, and Ágoston, Guns
for the Sultan, 83.
34 Khan, Gunpowder and Firearms, 79.
35 H. E. Stapleton, ‘Note on Seven Sixteenth Century Cannons Recently Discovered in the
Dacca District’, Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New series 5 (1909) 367–
375, particularly 369: note 2.
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per cent tin. Chemical analysis found that the alloy of an Ottoman cannon, cast
for Mehmed II in 1464, had very similar composition: it contained 89.58 per
cent of copper and 10.15 per cent of tin. Archival sources regarding Ottoman
cannon casting suggest that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Ottoman
cannon founders used the typical tin bronze, which contained 89.5–91.4 per
cent copper and 8.6–11.3 per cent tin.36 However, tin was in short supply in
Mughal India, which might explain the high percentage of zinc and iron.
Rumi cannon founders also introduced to the Deccan the techniques of casting
large bronze cannons and mortars, such as the famous Malik-i Maidan (King of
the Battlefield) at Bijapur fort, one of the largest cannons ever made, which was
cast by Muhammad bin Husain Rumi for the Nizam Shahi ruler of Ahmadnagar
in 1548–1549.37 Twenty-two years earlier, when Ali-Quli made his huge mortar
for Babur, he used the same casting method, which, in turn, had been familiar to
Ottoman gun founders from the mid-fifteenth century onwards: he cast the barrel
and the powder chamber separately. But the Rumi cannon founders faced
limitations as the blast furnaces in India were not capable of heating enough metal
to cast large bronze cannons in one pour. Therefore they had to use several furnaces
with separate channels to pour the melted metal into the mould. This method
however could lead to complications, as is apparent from Babur’s description of
Ali-Quli’s casting one large mortar (qazan) for him in October 1526:
“On Monday the fifteenth of Muharram [22 October] we went to watch
Master ‘Alī-Quli cast the mortar. Around the place where it was to be cast he
had constructed eight smelting furnaces and had already melted the metal.
From the bottom of each furnace he had made a channel straight to the mortar
mould. Just as we got there he was opening the holes in the furnaces. The
molten metal coming from the furnaces stopped. There was some flow either
in the furnace or in the metal. Master ‘Alī-Quli went into a strange depression
and was about to throw himself into the mould of molten bronze, but I soothed
him, gave him a robe of honour, and got him out of his black mood. A day or
two later, when the mould had cooled, they opened it, and Master ‘Alī-Quli
sent someone to announce with glee that the shaft was flawless. It was then
36 Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan, 186–187.
37 Khan, Gunpowder and Firearms, 78, and figures 13–14.
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easy to attach the powder chamber. He took out the shaft and assigned some
men to fix it, and got to work connecting the chamber.”38
conclusions
Faced
with superior Ottoman firepower, the enemies of the Ottomans
introduced important changes in their militaries. Of these, the Habsburg
responses are well known for historians.39 This essay has revisited the gradual
incorporation of firearms into the Safavid army following their humiliating
defeat at the Battle of Chaldiran, where Ottoman firepower and the wagon
laager proved decisive. The essay also re-examined the role of Rumi (Ottoman)
gun founders, gunners and matchlockmen in the Indian subcontinent.
It demonstrated that Rumi adventurers and mercenaries played an important
role in the spread of firearms technology in sixteenth-century India. Just as in
the contemporaneous Ottoman Empire, Rumi gun founders and their local
colleagues cast mainly bronze/brass pieces, following casting methods known
in the Ottoman Empire. Likewise, just as in the Ottoman Empire, the majority
of the ordnance used in India consisted of small and medium firangi and
zarbzan guns – the local versions of the Ottoman prangi and zarbzen light field
pieces – which refutes the old orientalist and Eurocentric view that “oriental
powers” were obsessed with and preferred giant cannons. Equally important
was the Rumi specialists’ role in introducing the Ottoman-style (Rūm dastūri)
wagon laager and the Rumi methods of “camp battle”. The fortified Ottomanstyle wagon laager solved one of the main problems that armies in Asia faced:
how to defend one’s army against the swift attacks of the mounted archers of
larger armies. It was firearms and the Ottoman-style wagon laager that helped
the Safavids rout the invading Uzbeks in 1528 at the Battle of Jam, and that
helped Babur crush the much larger armies of Ibrahim Lodi at the first Battle
of Panipat in 1526 and the allied Rajput-Afghan forces at Khanua in 1527.
38 BNT 302rv.
39 See, for instance, Gábor Ágoston, ‘The Impact of the Habsburg-Ottoman Wars: A Reassessment’, in Karin Sperl, Martin Scheutz, and Arno Strohmeyer (eds.), Die Schlacht von
Mogersdorf/St. Gotthard und der Friede von Eisenburg/Vasvár. Rahmenbedingungen, Akteure,
Auswirkungen und Rezeption eines europäischen Ereignisses. Mogersdorf, 2015, 87–98.
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FROM HUNGARY REACHED VENICE
Colin Imber
University of Manchester
colin.imber@manchester.ac.uk
In the interval between the death of King Louis at Mohács in 1526 and the
Ottoman siege of Vienna in 1529, Hungary became a focus of international
politics. In 1526, the Ottoman sultan Süleyman left Hungary without
establishing a government. He perhaps intended to return in 1527 to settle the
kingdom’s affairs but, in October, 1526, he had news of disturbances in Anatolia
that were to last until 1528, and divert his attention from Central Europe,
leaving a power vacuum in Hungary. For Venice, this presented a mortal danger.
The Habsburg Archduke Ferdinand of Austria was a claimant to the Hungarian
throne, while his brother, the Emperor Charles V, was the dominant power in
Italy. If Ferdinand made good his claim, Venice would be squeezed between the
Habsburg forces in Hungary and the armies of Charles V in Italy. In these
dangerous circumstances, news of events in Hungary became a precious political
commodity.
The problem was that Hungary was in ruins, making it difficult to obtain
any reliable information. On 23 September 1526, the locotenente of Udine,
Zuan Moro, sent an agent to Vienna to report on the situation, but he could go
no more than 30 miles beyond Ptuj as the roads were unsafe: “Many people
who had been driven from their homes, especially Hungarians, had taken to
killing people on the road.” Such information as he gleaned came from a group
of horsemen going to Vienna and from “prisoners who had escaped the Turkish
camp”. These wrongly informed him that the sultan was in Buda, which he
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intended to fortify:1 in fact, the Ottoman army had left Buda on 24 September2
without fortifying the city. A more accurate report came from a “young Venetian
nobleman” who arrived in Udine on 9 November after a ten-day journey from
Vienna. There, he reported, “it was rumoured” that the Turks had retreated to
Belgrade. The sultan, he said, had returned to Turkey “because the Sophy has
gone to war”. “This”, the report concludes, “is all the young man has heard.”3 His
news, however, was mostly accurate: the Ottoman army had left Hungary,
garrisoning only Belgrade and the fortresses between the Sava and the Drava
and, although “the Sophy” – meaning the Safavid shah – had not attacked,
there can be no doubt of Safavid involvement in the rebellions in Anatolia.
The most serious concern for Venice was the struggle for the Hungarian
throne. King Louis’s widow Mary was the sister of Charles V and Ferdinand,
while Ferdinand’s wife Anna was the late king’s sister and, accompanying the
marriages of Louis with Mary and of Ferdinand with Anna, there had been an
agreement that Ferdinand should inherit the crown of Hungary on Louis’s
death. In Hungary, however, kingship was elective and, by October, two rivals
to Ferdinand had emerged. The first was the Croatian magnate Krstić
Frankopan who, perhaps in an effort to gain Venetian support, contacted the
Signoria. In a letter of 22 October, his agent gave an account of the Battle of
Mohács and, after stressing Frankopan’s heroism in rallying the kingdom after
the defeat, describes how the “gentlemen of Slavonia” had invited him to be
their ruler: “We want your lordship to be our governor and general protector.
We will all submit and be obedient to you because, at the time of the relief of
Jajce, you liberated it from the Turks and now, at the loss of this kingdom, we
are abandoned by all our lords except your lordship. We want only your
lordship for our salvation and our defence.” To bolster Frankopan’s claim, he
added: “The people of Hungary are blaming the nobles for the loss of the
kingdom. Only the count [Frankopan] is rallying the people. The people from
the twelve counties on this side of the Danube have sent to him, begging him
to be their lord and protector as the people of Slavonia had done… This is
most of the Kingdom of Hungary.” However, what the agent’s letter also made
1 Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XLIII. Venezia, 1895, 78–79.
2 Ahmed Feridûn, Mecmu‘a-i Münşe’atü’s-Selatin. Vol. 1. İstanbul, 1857, 564.
3 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLIII. 222.
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clear was that John Szapolyai, voevode of Transylvania and brother-in-law of
Sigismund, the king of Poland was also a candidate for the throne. The agent’s
tactic was to acknowledge Szapolyai’s claim, but to dismiss his chances of
election: “While the count was winning over all these people, the voevode sent
200 horsemen to the castle of Buda. He probably wishes to acquire the
kingdom, but the nobles do not want him, because they think of him as the
cause of the ruin of the kingdom...”4
The agent’s letter was too obviously partisan to be convincing and, by the
time it arrived in Venice, the Signoria had already received a detailed report of
events in Hungary which made no reference at all to his candidacy for the
throne. On 8 October, a certain Antonio the Bohemian had travelled to Vienna
carrying letters for the ambassador Carlo Contarini and returned via Pozsony
(today Bratislava) and Buda. His despatch also gave an account of the Battle of
Mohács, based in part on the testimony of the Hungarian Chancellor, István
Brodarics. It also describes the sack of Buda, and confirms Queen Mary’s
presence in Pozsony, with the castle still in the possession of the Hungarian
János Bornemisza who, as was already known from the report of the factor of
a German merchant passing through Udine5 and the report of Zorzi the Croat
sent from Udine to Vienna to gather news, was refusing to surrender the
fortress until he knew who was to be king of Hungary.6 Most importantly,
Antonio reported that, as he was leaving Buda on 27 October, a captain arrived
in the city with 200 horsemen – exactly as Frankopan’s agent had stated – to
announce that Szapolyai himself was expected later in the day. He was to hold
a diet at the coronation city of Székesfehérvár on 5 November, to which he had
summoned all the barons of Hungary. To this, Antonio added: “He had with
him the crown of the kingdom and wished to be crowned king of Hungary. He
had a great following of subjects.”7
News of Szapolyai’s coronation did not reach Venice immediately. At the
end of November, a certain Andrea Paribon arrived in Udine. He had left
Vienna on 15 November, but had clearly not heard of Szapolyai’s enthronement
4
5
6
7
Ibid., 274–281.
Ibid., 116.
Ibid., 195.
Ibid., 225–228.
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five days previously, reporting only that he “claims to be king of Hungary”.
Paribon noted, however, that: “The voevode is greatly favoured by the
Hungarians for the crown,” adding: “It is held for certain that he is in contact
with the sultan. The Hungarians want nothing to do with Germans.” It was
possibly not until mid-December, that news of Szapolyai’s coronation reached
Venice. On 14 December “the orator of the new king of Hungary, the voevode
of Transylvania, called János [ John]”, together with Zuan Antonio Dandolo, in
the name of Krstić Frankopan, received an audience in the Collegio where the
orator reported: “The prelates and nobles went to Alba Regal [Székesfehérvár]
to elect a king. They elected the voevode of Transylvania and, on St Martin’s
Day, 11 November, he was crowned by seven bishops according to custom.”
The envoy also reported – correctly – that the sultan had fortified Petrovaradin
on the Danube, but kept nothing to the north of the Drava, adding to this a
startling piece of misinformation: “The Turkish army,” he reported, “had
departed, leaving carts, camels and other valuable items. From this it is certain
that the sultan is dead.”8 This would have been a significant piece of news, but
it is unlikely that his audience in the Collegio would have believed it. It was not
the first time they had received false reports of the sultan’s death9 and, if it were
true, they would certainly have heard of it from the bailo in Istanbul.
This report of Szapolyai’s election came at a time when winter weather
hindered communications, and there were few arrivals to report on events in
Hungary. On 10 December,“a Venetian citizen who had spoken to a Hungarian
merchant” arrived in Udine, to report that Szapolyai had the allegiance of
“Hungary beyond the Danube, but not on this side of the Danube”, adding that
“it was put about secretly” that there were negotiations concerning a marriage
between him and Queen Mary.
These rumours were true: Szapolyai had offered to marry Mary and
abandon his claim to Moravia and Silesia, provided Ferdinand recognise him
as king of Hungary.10 Ten days after Moro had forwarded his report from the
“Venetian citizen” a more reliable informant arrived in Udine and confirmed
8
Ibid., 438–439.
9
For example, see Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XXIX. Venezia, 1890, 587–589.
10 Paula Sutter Fichtner, Ferdinand I of Austria: The Politics of Dynasticism in the Age of the
Reformation. Boulder, Col., 1982, 60.
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the news. With no certain information arriving from the north during the
winter months, the locotenente had despatched his own agent, Piero the Croat,
who arrived in Udine on 20 December, after a ten-day journey from Vienna.
Of the proposed marriage, he reported: “As for the marriage that was said to be
contracted between the queen of Hungary and the voevode, it is said that the
Hungarian barons will not on any account give their consent, nor will Ferdinand
give her away.” While reporting on Szapolyai’s failure to negotiate a marriage,
Piero’s11 statement also pointed to what was to be the crucial factor in
Szapolyai’s struggle against Ferdinand. “There is,” he stated, “an ambassador
from the sultan at his court with about fifty horsemen.” Further evidence of
Szapolyai’s alliance with the sultan reached Venice on 11 January 1527, three
weeks after Piero’s arrival in Udine.
Given the paucity of wholly trustworthy news, the Signoria had sent another
agent, Nicolò the Hungarian “…to Hungary to find out what has happened
since the king, voevode János of Transylvania, came to Hungary.” Nicolò had
evidently left Venice in October and witnessed Szapolyai’s coronation, which
he reported in greater detail than Szapolyai’s ambassador had done in the
Collegio in December. Nicolò described how, after Székesfehérvár had
surrendered to Szapolyai’s vanguard of 200 horsemen, the voevode himself
had entered the city with 600. This much the Venetian government already
knew. Nicolò added however: “The archduke had sent two solemn orators to
tell the Hungarians that he was expecting to receive the kingdom and that he
wished to be crowned. The orators were not admitted until after the voevode’s
coronation. István Werbőczy, a noble with a great following who was also
palatine stepped forward and spoke to the assembly: ‘[My] lords, you know
that you do not have a head, and the most serene archduke wishes to be our
king. Give your opinion on whether you want him or not.’ They replied with
one voice that they did not want the archduke as their king. Then the lord
István said: ‘Then whom do you wish to be your king?’ and they replied with no
dissenting voice, that they wanted the voevode, all of them crying: ‘Fiat! Fiat!’”
The funeral of King Louis followed on 10 November, and the coronation on
the next day. “He then summoned the archduke’s envoys and asked them what
11
Sanuto, I Diarii, XLIII. 483.
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they wanted. They said: ‘Because we were not listened to before, we have
nothing else to say.’” Beyond his account of the coronation itself, Nicolò
reported on Szapolyai’s appointments to bishoprics and the appointment of
Krstić Frankopan, who had abandoned hopes of becoming king himself and
had resisted Ferdinand’s blandishments, as ban of Croatia and Slavonia.
So far, Nicolò’s report added detail to what the Venetian government already
knew. More important was the news, apparently reaching Venice for the first
time that, at the end of November, Queen Mary had assembled a group of
nobles who opposed Szapolyai, and that, on 17 December 1527, these had
elected Ferdinand as king.“These electors,” Nicolò reported,“ are István Báthory,
the palatine, Ferenc Batthyány, ban of Croatia, Sándor Thurzó, the former
treasurer, and Tamás, bishop of Veszprém. The election took place in Pozsony,
where the queen is.” Nicolò concluded with a prediction: “Ferdinand now
wishes to go to Bohemia to be crowned king of Bohemia” – he had been elected
to the crown of St Václav on 23 October12 – “and then he wishes to come to
Hungary with an army to make himself king of Hungary.” However, in Nicolò’s
estimation, Szapolyai was confident that the sultan would guarantee his throne
against Ferdinand’s claims. Nicolò had in fact recorded the arrival after his
coronation of an Ottoman envoy, who asked for a fifteen-year truce. This the
new king immediately granted, with the condition that “each should be a friend
to his friend and an enemy to his enemy” and to help each other whenever the
need arose.13
Nicolò was reporting on events of international significance. Ferdinand’s
election as king of Bohemia had already added to the Habsburg realms in
Central Europe. Victory against Szapolyai in Hungary would secure Habsburg
hegemony in the entire region, and this was something that the enemies of the
Habsburgs – Francis I, Venice, Pope Clement VII and the Ottoman sultan –
sought to prevent. In these circumstances, Szapolyai saw a chance to create an
alliance against Ferdinand. He was brother-in-law of the king of Poland, whose
assistance, or whose neutrality, all the interested parties wished to secure.
Negotiations with Sigismund did not involve Venice, but news from Poland
12 Fichtner, Ferdinand I, 55.
13 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLIII. 627–629.
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did arrive on 8 February 1527 when two priests from Kraków passed through
Venzone – like Udine a centre for news-gathering – and reported that
ambassadors from Ferdinand, Szapolyai and Süleyman were at the Polish
court. The priests did not say what was discussed, but nonetheless claimed that
Sigismund did not wish his brother-in-law to be king of Hungary.14 In the
event, the Polish king did not intervene in the conflict. Nor did another
monarch whom Ferdinand approached. The Venetian government learned of
this through a despatch from their envoy in London, dated March 1527,
reporting that Ferdinand’s ambassador had asked Henry VIII for help against
the sultan, which meant, in effect, to ask his help in securing the throne of
Hungary. The request received a polite refusal: the king would provide cash
only on condition that the Christian princes unite and attack the sultan
together.15
The Signoria, in fact, knew more about the international repercussions of
the crisis than it did about what was happening in Hungary itself. International
news reached Venice via an established diplomatic network, while the turmoil
within Hungary disrupted normal channels of communication. As a result,
only a trickle of news arrived in Venice during 1527. What did arrive, however,
was enough to make it clear that war between Ferdinand and Szapolyai was
imminent. This is what some merchants from Poland reported as they passed
through Venzone on 28 March and, on 1 April, the locotenente of Udine
forwarded a letter from Gemona summarising a statement by a “merchant
from Austria”. He reported that Ferdinand was at a diet in Regensburg and
“guessed” that he was there to seek help from the empire and the Free Towns
in support of his efforts to acquire the crown of Hungary, adding that “it is
said” that the Free Towns do not wish to assist him in any way.16 Szapolyai,
meanwhile, prepared to resist. His strategy, as a Florentine merchant who had
left Buda on 18 May reported as he passed through Udine, was to elicit the
support of his allies. The merchant claimed to have heard, “with his own ears”,
Szapolyai saying: “If I am able, I wish to remain as king of Hungary with my
own and my friends’ powers; otherwise I wish to remain king with the power
14
15
16
Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XLIV. Venezia, 1895, 80.
Ibid., 506.
Ibid., 442.
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of the sultan.” One of his “friends” was evidently the king of Poland. While
avoiding any open involvement in the conflict, Sigismund nonetheless rejected
Ferdinand’s demand that he prevent Polish troops fighting in Szapolyai’s army.17
The Florentine reported, probably with much exaggeration, that a Polish lord
had arrived in Buda and offered Szapolyai 10,000 men against his enemies “and
especially against the Germans”.18
In June, more detailed news began to arrive in Udine. On 9 June, the
locotenente forwarded a letter from Austria, reporting on military preparations
in Austria, Styria and Carinthia and the levy of extraordinary taxes. Ferdinand’s
commander, Niklas von Salm was asking for 10,000 experienced infantrymen,
while Mark Sittich in Konstanz was levying troops originally intended for Italy,
but now diverted to Hungary.19 At the same time, a persona fide digna arrived,
bringing news from Hungary. He had left Ptuj eight days previously and had
heard from Hungarian merchants that Szapolyai was raising an army, and that
in May, he had received an ambassador from the sultan and spoken to him in
private. “From this,” the locotenente reported, “it is assumed that the king has
reached an accord with the sultan.”20 There was more news on 26 June, when a
Milanese merchant coming from Salzburg confirmed that both Ferdinand and
Szapolyai were preparing for war. He claimed that Casimir of Brandenburg
had arrived in Wiener Neustadt on 17 June with “500 well-armed cavalry” and
that this was in addition to cavalry and infantry coming from Austria and
Bohemia; taxes were being raised; and oats and other provisions amassed in
Pozsony. “All this,” he said, “is for the Hungarian campaign.” Of Szapolyai, he
said only that he had a good number of cavalry, that he had summoned
Frankopan from his castle near Zagreb, and that “it was assumed” he had good
relations with the sultan.21
These reports from merchants passing through Udine in June left no doubt
that war was imminent. They were, however, short on detail, and it was to
discover more precisely what was happening that the locotenente sent Sebastian,
17 Fichtner, Ferdinand I, 80.
18 Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XLV. Venezia, 1896, 223.
19 Ibid., 303–304.
20 Ibid., 360.
21 Ibid., 398.
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a citizen of Udine, to Vienna. Sebastian spent a fortnight there, leaving the city
on 21 July. On his return, he reported on the troops that he had seen passing
through the city on their way Buda: “Here in Vienna, it is said that the … king
would have 45,000 men, horsemen and footmen.” He had also seen ships
carrying 60 pieces of bronze artillery, and others carrying victuals.22 The
Venetians were clearly desperate for news as, even before Sebastian’s return,
the Signoria had sent another agent, “Mathio Sablà of Split … despatched to
Vienna to learn the progress of the king of Vienna”. He left Vienna on 30 July,
and reached Udine on 7 August. His report, however, added confusion rather
than clarity to the news that Sebastian and others had already brought.
Ferdinand’s army, he said, was in Pozsony with about 12,000 infantry and
cavalry; Ferdinand himself was still in Vienna, expecting help from the
Bohemians, but would soon leave for Hungary. The Bohemians, it was
rumoured, were reluctant to fight, fearing that the Tatars would come and
devastate the country. The only information that Sablà had been able to glean
about Hungary came from some Croats from Zagreb, who told him that
Szapolyai was in Buda with few men. He did, however, have a force of 10,000
Tatars and was hoping for assistance from the sultan.23 This last point was
confirmed when a despatch concluding with the comment: “ambassadors are
expected from the new king of Hungary”, reached Venice from the bailo Piero
Zen in Istanbul.24
Nonetheless, news reaching Venice did not produce a coherent picture of
what was happening in either Hungary or Austria. When war finally erupted,
news evaporated altogether. On 19 August 1527, Ferdinand entered Buda, but
news of his victory did not reach Venice for almost three weeks. In Udine,
Zuan Moro tried but failed to find reliable informants. On 3 September, he
reported that people coming to Udine from Gorizia and Gradisca reported
that “in those places, some people say that the king of Bohemia has entered
Buda, while others affirm that his men have been routed. Unfortunately, it is
impossible to know what is true.”25 The truth became evident on 7 September,
22
23
24
25
Ibid., 580–581.
Ibid., 620.
Ibid., 619–620.
Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XLVI. Venezia, 1897, 23.
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when the locotenente reported: “Antonio of Bergamo, on intimate terms with
the captain of Ljubljana, who left there on 4 [September], arrived [in Udine] at
20 hours.” When interrogated, Antonio said that according to letters from “the
borders of Hungary” which he had learned of through the captain, Ferdinand
had gone on campaign in Hungary with an army of 16,000, encountering no
obstacles except at Esztergom and Visegrád, and had entered Buda on 19
August with no resistance. He added that “the king of Hungary had retired to
Transylvania to some of his castles, and has no army”.26
The news that Ferdinand had entered Buda was confirmed on 15 September
with the return to Udine of an agent whom the locotenente had sent to gather
information on the Turks who were making raids across the border from
Bosnia. He too reported that Ferdinand had entered Buda, and that Szapolyai
had retreated to Transylvania, adding that the Hungarian barons were trying
to persuade Ferdinand to re-instate him as voevode of Transylvania.27 This
may or may not have been true: information about Szapolyai was hard to
obtain and difficult to evaluate. A different story emerged on 21 September,
when a certain Hieronimo returned to Udine from Modrusa, and reported
that Szapolyai was between Buda and Vienna with a large number of cavalry,
including Tatars and Poles, and had captured many men and guns. He was,
Hieronimo concluded, hoping for victory against Ferdinand who had entered
Buda without opposition.28 The reality, however, was different: Hieronimo’s
account of Szapolyai’s situation, if not a piece of deliberate misinformation,
was wildly optimistic.
In fact, after Ferdinand had entered Buda, Niklas von Salm had defeated
Szapolyai at Tokaj.29 News of his defeat never reached Venice, although it
could perhaps be inferred from a letter which Zuan Moro sent on 27 September.
He wrote that a friend of his, who had just arrived from Gradisca, had heard
that Niklas von Thurn had written from Buda on 7 September, to say that
Szapolyai had retreated with 4,000 horsemen to a castle which had belonged
to his father, and that Ferdinand was sending Niklas von Salm in pursuit.
26
27
28
29
Ibid., 38–39.
Ibid., 76–77.
Ibid., 96.
Fichtner, Ferdinand I, 64.
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Niklas von Thurn evidently sent his letter before he received the news of von
Salm’s victory. However, he also included the information which events were to
prove correct, that Ferdinand was to hold a diet on 16 October to which he had
summoned all the barons of Hungary in order to determine which of them
would offer allegiance and which would not. The diet would also determine the
day on which he was to be crowned king of Hungary.30
What Moro’s friend reported about Ferdinand’s intentions was accurate.
Nonetheless, news from Hungary remained difficult to come by and difficult
to evaluate. On 28 October, the locotenente forwarded letters from the captain
of Venzone, which served primarily to highlight the turmoil in the country.
The captain had received his information from a Florentine who had come
from Hungary eight days previously to report – incorrectly – that the Turks
were at Pécs, and – perhaps correctly – that Szapolyai was on the Tisza
awaiting men from Poland, Moldavia and Wallachia. The Hungarians, he said,
wanted to assassinate Szapolyai, and that of the four bishops he had sent to
collect revenue, only one of them, the bishop of Zagreb (Simon Erdődy)
remained loyal, while the “baron” Ferenc Batthyány had deserted him for
Ferdinand.31 Events were to confirm Erdődy’s hostility to Habsburg rule, and
Batthyány, it seems, did, having deserted him once, return to Ferdinand’s camp.
It was only in December that the Signoria received a more complete picture
of events in Hungary. On 10 December, a friend of Zuan Moro, arrived in
Udine after a five-day journey from Ljubljana, to confirm that Ferdinand had
been crowned king of Hungary and to report that the Hungarian barons “were
said” to have promised him a certain sum of money and a certain number
of cavalrymen. By now, Moro’s friend believed, all of Hungary and most of
Transylvania were subject to Ferdinand’s rule. “They say,” he reported, “that
Szapolyai and a very few of his men have retired to certain castles.”32 Confirmation
of Ferdinand’s coronation reached Venice immediately after Moro’s letter, in the
form of Ferdinand’s proclamation, given in Vienna on 8 November: “he had
defeated the rebel Szapolyai at Tokaj on the river Tisza”; on 16 October, he was
proclaimed king of Hungary by “unanimous agreement”; on 3 November, he
30 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLVI. 146–147.
31 Ibid., 273–274.
32 Ibid., 370–371.
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was crowned with the crown of St Stephen at Székesfehérvár, according to the
ancient rite. Now, he proclaimed, he would defend Christendom against its
ancient enemy, the Turk.33 Shortly after his coronation, he had news of his
army’s victory over Szapolyai at Keresztes,34 although no report of the event
reached Venice.
News that did reach Venice in the coming months made it clear that
Ferdinand’s victory was incomplete. Szapolyai, had not given up the fight and
it was well known that he had the sultan’s support. Moro’s friend had added to
his report of Ferdinand’s coronation: “They say that the sultan will soon come
to attack Hungary and Austria. People are very afraid of this,” and a report
from later in the month confirmed what he had said. On 23 December, the
locotenente forwarded a letter from Venzone. A group of Jews, “said to be Polish”,
had passed through the town and, when questioned, stated that Szapolyai was
in Moldavia and, “as far as is said”, was powerful and in good order. They had
also heard rumours about the sultan: “It is spread about that the sultan is
making great preparations in the direction of Belgrade, and is threatening to
ruin this miserable and wounded Hungary.”35
However unreliable these reports were, by the beginning of 1528, the
Venetians knew how precarious Ferdinand’s hold on Hungary was. After his
coronation, he could declare himself to be the rightful king, but he knew that
most of the Hungarian nobles had given their votes under duress and that
their loyalty was not secure. Later in the year, a Hungarian Dominican, “a
discreet and circumspect person”, who had left Buda on 8 May, arrived in
Venzone on his way to Venice and described their predicament. Asked for
news of Hungarian affairs, he stated: “The barons and nobles of Hungary are
in great distress, not knowing which way to go. They say they wish to give their
loyalty to King John, the first king of Hungary to be crowned but, worrying
they may not be accepted by him, are loyal to Prince Ferdinand.”36 Furthermore,
Ferdinand suffered from a lack of money and so was unable to pay for a reliable
army. On 2 February, the new locotenente in Udine, Zuan Basadona, sent a
33 Ibid., 383–385.
34 Christine Turetschek, Die Türkenpolitik Ferdinands I. von 1529 bis 1532. Wien, 1968, 3.
35 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLVI. 422–423.
36 Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XLVIII. Venezia, 1897, 25.
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certain Juri Brenato to Hungary. The report Juri delivered on 3 March presents
a picture of chaos. On 14 February, he said, he reached a place two days from
Buda, where he met some merchants accompanied by ten armed men. These
warned him that the roads were unsafe and he went no further, instead
accompanying the merchants to Rechnitz, on the border of Hungary and
Austria. What he learned about Szapolyai came from these men, who said that
he was in Buda with a good army of 15,000 men, consisting, of Turks, Tatars,
Muscovites and Hungarians. When the fresh grass grew, they would assemble
to attack the Germans. Ferdinand, the merchants said, was two days above
Buda. The merchants’ optimistic description of Szapolyai’s army contrasts
with what Juri claims to have seen in the Habsburg camp between the Danube
and the Mur. He stayed in the camp for a day, estimating that: “It consisted of
about 10,000 persons – worthless men, in disorder, badly paid and mostly ill.”
The illness, he said came from grapes which the Hungarians had poisoned at
harvest-time, killing 6,000. From the camp, he went to Graz as he had heard
that Ferdinand was there to hold a diet but found that he had already left,
having levied 3,000 men whom he had detained for a fortnight without pay,
before sending them at half-pay to the camp. Juri also commented on the state
of Ferdinand’s finances: “He also reported that various people told him that the
prince had asked for money from the barons of the land to wage war. They
replied that they did not wish to give any more money for war. Everyone is
complaining about the prince, saying that he will never achieve victory on
account of having stripped the churches of silver … and, to pay soldiers, he has
pawned almost all his castles.” He ended his report by saying he had heard that
all the Hungarians had rebelled and returned to Szapolyai.37
Juri delivered his report in Udine on 3 March 1528. Whether the locotenente
who had sent him knew it or not, another Venetian agent “sent by our Signoria”
had left Venice for Hungary a few days earlier. This was Francesco the Painter
(Depentor) who – unlike Juri – had succeeded in reaching Buda, arriving there
on 5 February. His report gives a better estimate of Ferdinand’s military
capacity, but is similar to Juri’s in emphasising the weakness of his position. He
began by confirming what the Florentine had reported in the previous October:
37 Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XLVII. Venezia, 1897, 42.
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Ferenc Batthyány had re-affirmed his allegiance to Ferdinand who had appointed
him ban of Croatia. He also hinted that Ferdinand had gained control of the east
of the country, by naming a ban of Temesvár (Timişoara), “the county of which is
under King John, erstwhile voevode”. He continued by enumerating the troops at
Ferdinand’s disposal: 2,500 infantry in Buda, Pest and Vác, and 2,000 Bohemians
and landesknechts, paid through taxes levied in Hungary and Germany. So far,
Francesco presents a positive view of Ferdinand’s resources, but he continued by
stressing his chronic shortage of money. “The prince”, he stated, “does not have a
ducat. With the church silver he took last year, they paid the landesknechts who
came to Italy on the emperor’s behalf a year ago.” He continued on the theme of
money. Ferdinand, he said, had left Buda to go to the Free Towns where he was
holding a diet to raise money against the Turks. “The towns”, he said, “replied that
they did not wish to give money to wage war against Hungarians. He is going to
Bohemia to hold another diet.” On his way to Vienna, he had left 100 infantry in
the fortress at Esztergom, but “not 60 of these remain, as they have not been
paid”. By contrast, Francesco gave a positive picture of Szapolyai’s position,
claiming that he paid his men well, while many of Ferdinand’s troops were dying
“because of the great cold in those parts”. He also enumerated Szapolyai’s
victories. He had captured Nyitra (Nitra) on a pass into Moravia and had taken
Kalocsa and “cut everyone to pieces, except two whom he has left alive to carry
the news to the prince”. When Francesco was in Hungary, he was besieging Kassa
(Košice) with 14,000–15,000 men and 60 pieces of artillery. “With him”,
Francesco reported, “are Serbs, Poles and Vlachs. These Serbs live in Hungary
and adhere to the Greek faith, and are loyal to King John.”38
Francesco presented his relazione in Venice on 20 March, where it reinforced
the impression of Szapolyai’s progress gained not only from Juri’s report received
earlier in March, but also from the arrival of an envoy bringing a request from
Szapolyai himself. “Now that his king was prospering” the envoy proposed, “it
would be good if this state [Venice] could send an orator to increase his renown,
all the more so as he now has an accord with the Turkish sultan.”39
38
39
Ibid., 121–123.
Ibid., 77.
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The impression that Szapolyai was prospering was false. Francesco had
already reported that 4,500 of Ferdinand’s men were preparing to attack him,
and that a Habsburg cavalry force had captured his commander Ferenc Bodó.40
Shortly afterwards, he was defeated at Trencsén (Trenčin) and fled to Tarnow
in Poland.41 In the coming months almost no news reached Venice concerning
his whereabouts, or the strength of his following. On 10 March, Zuan
Basadona sent a certain Nicolò of Venzone to Hungary to report on what was
happening there. He returned on 20 April having learned very little. He had
travelled to Vienna and then along the Danube to Pozsony, where he had
stayed for three days before returning to Vienna. After reporting on Ferdinand’s
movements, he outlined the disposition of Habsburg troops in Hungary: there
were, he said, four companies of landesknechts in Buda, 500 Hungarian
cavalrymen in Buda, Esztergom, Pozsony and other places in Hungary, and
700 Bohemians in Esztergom. Of Szapolyai, he said only that he was in
Transylvania with a few men who, every other day, raided the countryside near
Buda.42 After this, there was no news from Hungary until the arrival of the
Hungarian friar in Venzone on 31 May, whose statement Basadona forwarded
from Udine. After commenting on the dilemma facing the Hungarian nobility
as to which king they should follow, the friar said: “…Or else they are awaiting
the said King John, who is said to be in Poland, and undoubtedly wishes to
return to Hungary.”43 Almost three weeks later, another traveller passed
through Venzone. Stefano was a Milanese merchant, who had arrived from
Buda via Vienna, carrying a letter from his son in Buda to a Venetian citizen.
He reported, with more certainty than the friar, that Szapolyai was in Poland
and confirmed what Nicolò of Venzone had said about his followers’ raids:
“The countryside five miles from Buda is all upside down with travellers and
peasants escaping from the confines and coming to Buda with their families
and animals. There are 5,000 cowmen going about Hungary, some for the
voevode, some for the prince, and some for the sultan.”44 It was not, however,
40 Ibid., 122.
41 Turetschek, Die Türkenpolitik, 3.
42 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLVII. 291.
43 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLVIII. 25–27.
44 Ibid., 169–170.
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until 12 July, when a letter from him to the doge, dated 22 May and “given in
Tarnow, on the confines of the Kingdom of Poland” arrived in Venice,45 that it
became certain that Szapolyai had fled to his brother-in-law’s kingdom.
By July 1528, therefore, the Signoria knew that Szapolyai was in Poland
and that Ferdinand had won control of Hungary. However, the few reports
that reached Venice during the first half of the year suggested that his hold
on the kingdom was tenuous and the loyalties of the Hungarians divided.
They also suggested that Szapolyai retained a following large enough to
harry the countryside, even if he lacked the means to attack the fortified
towns. Reports from the late summer confirmed this impression. While a
certain Nicolò the Hatter (Capellero) of Venzone, whom the locotenente in
Udine had sent as a spy to Vienna, reported on 20 August that “the prince
[Ferdinand] is in possession of Hungary, in general peacefully”,46 a letter
from Venzone to the locotenente painted a different picture. On 9 September,
a man from Bergamo had arrived there with his Hungarian wife and said
that a battle between Ferdinand’s troops and forces loyal to Szapolyai was
imminent, and that Szapolyai’s men would be victorious as the opposing
force consisted of peasant levies.47
By this time, events in Hungary itself had become less important for the
future of the kingdom than the diplomatic efforts of the combatants. After the
loss of Buda, Szapolyai exploited what the Florentine merchant had heard him
call “the power of his friends”, one of whom was the king of France. By March
1528, the Signoria had learned that the two were in contact when Francesco
the Painter, reporting on Szapolyai’s progress, made the statement: “With him
is the orator of the Most Christian King.”48 This was the first stage in the
relationship between Francis I and Szapolyai. Later that year, after he had fled
to Tarnow, Szapolyai sent the bishop of Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia) as his
ambassador to Paris. News of the embassy reached Venice in early November
1528, when a despatch arrived from the Venetian ambassador in Paris reporting
that “the voevode’s orator is at the court of the king, asking for a subsidy of
45
46
47
48
Ibid., 238–240.
Ibid., 404.
Ibid., 474–475.
Ibid., 122.
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30,000 écus”.49 The bishop succeeded in securing a treaty which included a
subsidy to Szapolyai of 20,000 écus against an obligation to wage war with
Ferdinand so long as Francis’s sons remained prisoners of Charles V; after
Ferdinand’s defeat, to provide soldiers for the French armies in Italy; and to
accept Henry of Orléans as his successor if he died without heirs.50 Almost a
year later, on 1 September 1529, the French ambassador, Antoine de Rinçon
swore to the treaty in the presence of Szapolyai and the sultan.51 Szapolyai also
maintained an ambassador in Venice, and it was through him that, on 11
February 1529, the Signoria learned that he had raised a subvention from
Henry VIII of England: “A letter was read which the orator of Hungary’s
secretary brought to show to the Serenissima. On 2 January, from London, he
wrote how the king of England will give help in money to King John of
Hungary.”52 The help even materialised. In May 1529, the Archduchess
Margaret in the Netherlands informed Ferdinand that French and English
envoys were on their way to Hungary with money to Szapolyai from Francis
and Henry.53 While pursuing alliances with France and England, Szapolyai
hoped also for the participation of Venice. On 18 July, on the day his letter to
the doge reached Venice, a second letter also arrived, addressed to his
ambassador, but clearly intended for public consumption: “See how cunningly
Ferdinand acts,” he wrote. “On the one hand he seeks peace from the sultan,
humbly offering tribute for the Kingdom of Hungary. On the other, since the
death of … King Louis until this hour, he has never stopped scattering letters
and envoys throughout Germany, Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia, Poland,
Hungary and Transylvania to prepare themselves for war against him…”54
Both Szapolyai and the Venetians knew that Ferdinand was trying to raise
money and men from within his own realms and from without. On 13 March
1529, a despatch dated 26 February from the Venetian ambassador in London
49 Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XLIX. Venezia, 1898, 132.
50 For the text of treaty, see Ernest Charrière, Négociations de la France dans le Levant. Vol. 1.
Paris, 1848, 162–165.
51 Charrière, Négociations, 169; Turetschek, Die Türkenpolitik, 83–84.
52 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLIX. 442.
53 Turetschek, Die Türkenpolitik, 83.
54 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLVIII. 240–243.
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reached Venice, reporting on “the arrival of an orator from King Ferdinand who,
together with the emperor’s orator, who is here, had an audience with the cardinal
[Wolsey] and requested a subsidy against the sultan, who is coming to attack
him. The cardinal told him that the best help he could give would be if the
emperor were to make peace with the Most Christian King, who wants nothing
except his sons, and then one could expect to unite Christendom against the
Turks.”55 This was a polite refusal. Five days later, on the morning of 18 March
1529, an envoy from Ferrara landed in Venice with the information that
Ferdinand’s orator had had an audience with the duke and requested his help
against an Ottoman invasion of Germany. The duke had replied that his forces
were insufficient against his own enemies and that he would give them to no one
else. He had sent his envoy, he said, to pass on this message to the doge.56
By early 1529, therefore, Szapolyai had succeeded in winning some financial
aid from France and England, and the tacit, but never overt, support of Venice.
All sides, however, knew that the crucial member of any anti-Habsburg alliance
was the sultan, and that it was his intervention that would determine the
outcome of the struggle in Hungary. Accordingly, in December 1527, Szapolyai
sent Hieronymus Łaski as ambassador to Istanbul. Łaski had his first interview
with the Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha on 22 December and finally left on
29 February 1528, after securing an agreement from the sultan to recognise
Szapolyai as king and to campaign in person against his enemies, meaning,
in practice, against Ferdinand.57 The Signoria heard of Łaski’s mission on
7 March 1528, when Piero Zen’s despatch from Istanbul, dated 28 January,
arrived in Venice. Łaski, Piero said, was the fourth envoy that Szapolyai had
sent: two had been robbed and turned back, while the third had died. He did
not comment on the negotiations, remarking only that Szapolyai wished to
remain king and sought the sultan’s help against the archduke, and adding that
the sultan had allocated Szapolyai 12,000 cavalrymen from the frontier forces,
and sent the beylerbeyi of Rumelia to assist him with 30,000 cavalry. This last
piece of information was, it seems, wrong and suggests that Zen did not have
55 Marino Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. L. Venezia, 1898, 68.
56 Ibid., XLIX. 369.
57 For the report of Hieronymus Łaski, see Joseph von Hammer, Geschichte des Osmanischen
Reiches. Vol. II. Pest, 1839, 62–65.
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access to the negotiations, despite his friendship with Ibrahim Pasha.58 A week
later, Zen sent another letter, reporting that Łaski had been “honoured,
presented to the sultan and promised help against Prince Ferdinand,” but
without any details about the terms agreed.59
News of Łaski’s mission had also reached Ferdinand. His reaction, in April
1528, was to send Johannes Habordanecz and Sigmund Weixelberger to
Istanbul to negotiate an agreement with the sultan to recognise him as king of
Hungary. By 2 May, if not earlier, the Venetians had learned of their departure
from Vienna. Habordanecz and Weixelberger’s mission coincided with the
Signoria’s decision to send Thomà Contarini on an embassy to the sultan, and
it was while waiting at Šibenik that Contarini encountered the two envoys
with a suite of 120 horsemen. Both embassies were delayed, Contarini because
of lack of horses, and the Habsburg ambassadors because the sancakbeyi [of
Bosnia] refused them permission to proceed without an order from Istanbul.
On 5/6 May, Contarini finally left Šibenik when horses came from the
sancakbeyi.60
Despite their delayed departure, Habordanecz and Weixelberger arrived in
Istanbul on 29 May, a month before Contarini.61 On 2 July, news of their first
audience with the viziers arrived in Venice via letters from Zen, dated 4 and 6
June. In contrast to the secrecy which had surrounded Łaski’s negotiations,
Zen had access to some of the details of the discussions, probably through
Ibrahim Pasha. Ferdinand’s ambassadors, he reported, had asked for peace, but
was told that this would be possible only if Ferdinand left the Kingdom of
Hungary to Szapolyai and did not trouble the king of Poland, and if his brother
the emperor made peace with the king of France and the Signoria of Venice.
The ambassadors then asked for a six-month peace, and when this was refused,
lowered their demand to three months, again with no success.62 No further
news of Ferdinand’s embassy reached Venice until 18 October, when Hironimo
Querini received a letter from Contarini, written on 15 September. In it,
58
59
60
61
62
Sanuto, I Diarii, XLVII. 46.
Ibid., 100.
Ibid., 335, 471.
Sanuto, I Diarii, XLVIII. 377–380.
Ibid., 200.
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Contarini reported that Habordanecz and Weixelberger were still in Istanbul,
stating that they had been dismissed, but prevented from leaving.63 The reason
for their detention Contarini explained in his next letter, read in the Pregadi on
23 November. The ambassadors, he said, asked the sultan for the restitution of
the castles which he held in Hungary, and that the sultan had taken this so
badly that he determined to go to war and to take all Hungary.64
Zen’s and Contarini’s reports of the Habsburg embassy reflect what
Habordanecz himself was to write in his own account of his mission, with the
difference that Habordanecz blamed the Venetians for his and Weixelberger’s
detention,65 rather than blaming the sultan’s lack of interest in peace and his
own inept negotiations over the return of the Hungarian fortresses. The
ambassadors’ detention in fact amounted to a declaration of war, something
which Ibrahim Pasha did not try to hide. In a letter dated 15 September,
Contarini said: “Here it is held for certain – and the pasha said the same from
his own mouth – that they are preparing a very strong army to go to Hungary.
They would have gone last year, so it is said, but lack of victuals frustrated their
wishes.”66 In his last letter before his departure on 5 October, Contarini made
the imminence of a campaign even clearer. Ibrahim Pasha, he wrote, had told
him: “…Next spring the sultan wishes to go with a great army on the Hungarian
campaign, to seize this kingdom and to penetrate as far as Germany. He did
not mind that this should be known, as previous sultans used to, who kept
secret the campaign that they wished to undertake. This sultan wishes everyone
to know, because he does not fear them.”67 Ibrahim was correct in contrasting
the sultan’s openness about the forthcoming campaign with the usual secrecy
that surrounded the direction of Ottoman military undertakings68 and this
perhaps explains why he allowed Contarini and Zen to obtain some details of
the negotiations. Since he knew that the sultan had determined on war, and
63 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLIX. 71.
64 Ibid., 181–182.
65 For the report of Habordanecz, see Turetschek, Die Türkenpolitik , 10–14.
66 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLIX. 71.
67 Ibid., 181–182.
68 In 1522, for example, it was not until a week or two before its departure in June that
observers realised that Rhodes was the destination of the fleet that they had observed under
construction in Istanbul. Sanuto, I Diarii. Vol. XXXIII. Venezia, 1890, 348.
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that the Habsburg embassy would change nothing, he did not mind the
Venetians having this information, especially since Venice, like the sultan, was
in the anti-Habsburg camp.
Before leaving Istanbul, Contarini also noted the arrival of an ambassador
from Poland but, beyond remarking that “he is well regarded by the sultan and
the pashas”, he does not, in his letter, speculate on the purpose of the embassy.69
Contarini arrived back in Venice on 15 December 1528, carrying two
letters, one to the doge and one to the king of France, which the Signoria
evidently forwarded to the king unopened. The sultan’s letter to the doge
merely expresses his friendship and his satisfaction with Contarini: “You
Andrea Gritti, who are doge of Venice: you have sent Thomà Contarini, a man
worthy of your faith, to my Porte, the refuge of the world, in order to express
your sincerity and good intentions. He has satisfied everything necessary for
his office and mission… Written on 1 Muharram 935 [15 September 1528].”70
Contarini presumably gave an oral account of his mission, perhaps also
explaining what he knew of the sultan’s relationship with the king of France.
Certainly, the fact that Ibrahim entrusted the letter to Contarini for forwarding
to France suggests a close friendship between Süleyman, Francis and Venice
based on their shared hostility to the Habsburgs, and specifically on their wish
to prevent Ferdinand occupying the throne of Hungary.
conclusion
In the three years after Mohács, Hungary became a focus of concern for all
states interested in curbing Habsburg power, a concern that led to an informal
69 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLIX. 182. Habordanecz also noted the ambassador’s arrival, and assumed that he was there to press the sultan to invade Hungary on behalf of King Sigismund’s
brother-in-law Szapolyai. See Turetschek, Die Türkenpolitik, 15. His purpose was, in fact, to
renew the five-year peace negotiated with the sultan in 1525, before the Mohács campaign.
By guaranteeing Polish neutrality, the treaty protected the Ottoman northern border during
the campaign of 1529. For Italian translation of the treaty, see Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations (15th–18th century): An Annotated Edition of ‘Ahdnames and
Other Documents. (The Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage. Politics, Society and Economy, 18.)
Leiden, Boston, Köln, 2000, doc. 12.
70 Sanuto, I Diarii, XLIX. 244–245.
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understanding between Szapolyai, Venice, the Ottoman sultan, France and
England. As one of the powers threatened by the Habsburgs, it was essential
to the Signoria to keep informed of the crisis in Hungary and its international
repercussions. During these years, however, while news on international
negotiations flowed freely through diplomatic channels, reports from Hungary
itself were spasmodic, relying on the reports of spies and news from travellers.
The process of news gathering was not, however, random. Rather, there were
nodal points for collecting and relaying information, and for news from
Hungary these were Udine and nearby Venzone. The authorities in these
towns, and the locotenente of Udine in particular, questioned every traveller
from outside Venetian territory who passed through the town, recording what
they said and how they had acquired their information. The locotenente often
began his reports with a comment on the trustworthiness of his source,
allowing the recipients in Venice to evaluate their reliability.
For international news, Venice itself was the nodal point. On 8 March 1528,
the day after Pietro Zen’s report on Łaski’s negotiations arrived in Venice, the
papal legate came, “asking for news received from Constantinople, saying he
would like to have the clauses (capitoli) [agreed between] the king voevode and
the sultan, to send to the pope.” Although Pope Clement shared the Venetian
interest in curbing the growth of Habsburg power in Italy, the legate received a
disappointing reply: “The doge said that the clauses were not known, and that
if we had them, we would not give them.”71
71
Sanuto, I Diarii, XLVII. 46.
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TOGETHER OR SEPARATELY ‒ FAMILY
STRATEGIES AND RESILIENCE IN
DIVIDED HUNGARY
Ildikó Horn
Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
horn.ildiko@btk.elte.hu
The death of John Szapolyai (1526–1540) and the occupation of Buda by
Sultan Süleyman (1520–1566) brought further radical changes to Hungary’s
situation. The Treaty of Várad (Grosswardein/Oradea) of 1538 had provided
for the unification of the country under the rule of Ferdinand I (1526–1564),
but Szapolyai and most of his supporters refused to abide by its terms. Sultan
Süleyman ended all chances to fulfil the treaty. He considered Szapolyai’s son,
the one-year-old John Sigismund, to be the ruler, but he reduced the amount
of territory held by the infant monarch. John Sigismund was left with the
eastern part of the country, with the River Tisza as its border.1
Süleyman’s aim was to expand his own territory between and along the two
major rivers (the Danube and the Tisza). In doing so, he accentuated the
mutual isolation of Hungary’s two parts. Most of John Sigismund’s (1541
[1559]–1571) territory neighboured the Ottoman Empire and its vassals. The
only common border with Ferdinand I’s kingdom was a narrow strip near
Kassa (Kaschau/Košice) in Northern Hungary. In the decade and a half after
1541, people realized two things. Firstly, there was to be no rapid and effective
response to the Ottoman advance, which meant that the previously strong and
1 Gábor Barta, ‘The First Period of the Principality of Transylvania (1526–1606)’, in László
Makkai, András Mócsy and Zoltán Szász (eds.), History of Transylvania. Vol. 1: From the Beginning to 1606. Boulder, Col., 2002, 601–605.
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unified kingdom now faced a long period of division. Secondly, none of the
parties – even Süleyman himself – considered their borders to be inviolable.
Both Ferdinand and the young John Sigismund gradually lost territory, despite
the latter being a Süleyman’s vassal. Transylvania also sustained losses to
Ferdinand – six border counties by 1568. The loss of territory did not happen
at once, and not irreversibly; rather, it was an intermittent process. Over the
course of a decade or more, various areas passed to and fro among rulers.2
The nobles had to adapt quickly, repositioning themselves in accordance
with the changing circumstances. The new boundary broke many families in
two, placing them on opposing sides. Other families found themselves in an
area where the ruler was of the opposite political persuasion to their own.
Those who lost all or part of their landed properties were in the gravest
situation. They first had to choose between the two rulers. Many of them
automatically gave their support to Ferdinand I. Hopeful of winning back their
lands, they fought with determination against the Ottoman forces. Over time,
however, it became evident that the Turks would not be repulsed and that
military service in the border fortresses might bestow a reputation as a knight,
but would not increase one’s wealth.
By contrast, in Transylvania – where a war against the sultan was not even
a possibility as Transylvania was an Ottoman vassal – a man could rise quickly
in wealth and social rank. Transylvania had been the poorer and less developed
part of Hungary, and suffered from a lack of experienced and hardened soldiers
and of intellectuals after it became a state. Accordingly, John Sigismund
permitted – even positively encouraged – nobles to settle in the country: They
were given land, employment and career opportunities. The new arrivals faced
little competition from Transylvanian nobles, who were politically and
financially weaker than those in other parts of Hungary. For this reason, nobles
in distress were not the only ones to move from the Kingdom of Hungary to
Transylvania. Indeed, some of the new arrivals were sons – typically not firstborn sons – of families whose circumstances were secure. This process added
to the political and territorial fragmentation of noble families.3
2 Imre Lukinich, Erdély területi változásai a török hódítás korában 1541–1711. Budapest,
1918, 26–36.
3 Ildikó Horn, A hatalom pillérei. A politikai elit az Erdélyi Fejedelemség megszilárdulásának
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FAMILY STRATEGIES AND RESILIENCE IN DIVIDED HUNGARY
It is worth examining the strategies by which the nobles who moved to
Transylvania acquired land and founded families. The Eastern Hungarian
Kingdom comprised several constituent parts. One part was Transylvania in
the narrow sense, comprising the Hungarian noble counties and the Saxon and
Székely (Szekler) territorial entities. Another was the Partium – counties that
had once belonged to the Kingdom of Hungary but were now under John
Sigismund’s rule. The Partium was the richest and most significant part of the
new Transylvanian state, but was under constant threat from both Ottoman
and Habsburg forces.4
Even so, most of the new arrivals sought to obtain land in the Partium.
There were several reasons for this. First, the region’s past political vicissitudes
meant that there was more land to be awarded there than elsewhere. Second,
having a base in this region facilitated the maintenance of contacts with the
Hungarian territories under Ferdinand’s rule. Moreover, John Sigismund had
good military reasons for wanting his new supporters to put down roots in a
region that was particularly liable to attack. After a while, however, the “bestquality” nobles also sought to gain a footing in Transylvania proper. Such
“expansion” within Transylvania did not constitute a new escape route. Rather,
the motive was to get close to Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia), for, given the
peculiarities of John Sigismund’s domestic policy, a presence at the court of the
ruler equated with an active role in the exercise of power. Interestingly, in this
eastern part of the country, land could be obtained by means of service and
fidelity to the ruler, whereas elsewhere in Hungary, land was acquired through
marriage or sometimes through purchase. In Transylvania, the marriage route
was a difficult one, because the old elite families were reluctant to integrate
newcomers, whom they regarded as rivals, and members of the established
families tended to marry among themselves. The only outsiders considered
acceptable marriage partners were members of Hungary’s baronial families,
such as the Forgách family. Otherwise, in order to become fully integrated and
korszakában (1556–1588). DSc Dissertation, Budapest, 2012, 85–98, accessed 28 February
2019: http://real-d.mtak.hu/581/7/dc_105_10_doktori_mu.pdf.
4 Lukinich, Erdély területi változásai, 132–163.
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accepted by the elite, one first had to spend many years in Transylvania and rise
steadily up the ranks.5
Nobles with landed properties in the northern counties of the Partium
faced greater difficulties than any others in the eastern part of the country. By
the 1560s, this region had become a permanent war zone liable to attack from
both Royal Hungary and Transylvania, and neither could an Ottoman
intervention be ruled out. Landowners in the area had few options. The
simplest option – to move from the area and acquire land elsewhere – was
barred by Hungarian inheritance laws, which prohibited the sale of ancestral
land. In other words, the nobles could not sell their landholdings and use the
proceeds to purchase land elsewhere. The only real option was to swap land
with the ruler. Around 1565, in a moment of distress, one of the most
distinguished landowners offered his estates – Ecsed and the surrounding area
– to John Sigismund, but in the end, no deal was done. The prince was unwilling
to exchange the royal estates, which lay in a secure area and generated income,
for land near the border and constantly subject to attacks.6
But even if the land swap had gone ahead, few nobles were likely to have
followed György Báthory’s (d. 1570) example. As in any situation or place of
risk, the region offered a number of exciting opportunities. It was a wineproducing area and was crossed by many trade routes. The counties in the
north bordered Poland, which, on account of its climate, was completely
dependent on wine imports. Thus, landowners in the area could make a good
income, especially if they exploited the chaos of the border zone to smuggle
goods out of the country. In fact, they took out ten times the amount for which
they had an export permit. Being so close to the border had further advantages.
Unlike landowners in the interior of Transylvania, the nobles of the Partium
were able to choose between two rulers. This meant their loyalty had a higher
value, and in exchange for their support, they were offered political roles or
additional land. Most of them took up these opportunities, and some, of
course, abused the situation.7
5 Horn, A hatalom pillérei, 99–116.
6 Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára [hereafter MNL OL], F 15 Libri Regii, 4. fols.
124–125., F 3 Centuriae B nr. 8.
7 Lukinich, Erdély területi változásai, 132–163.
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FAMILY STRATEGIES AND RESILIENCE IN DIVIDED HUNGARY
A small part of the upper nobility in Northeastern Hungary and the
Partium acquired so much political and financial power that their influence
extended over a far greater area than their actual estates. A switch of allegiance
by such an upper nobleman was of particular benefit to the ruler he pledged
himself to – Ferdinand or John Sigismund – because the other local nobles
typically followed suit. The rejected ruler could only impose a theoretical
punishment, condemning them for their disloyalty and announcing the loss of
people and livestock. Although the nobles who switched allegiances forfeited
any land they owned in the area, this was no great deterrent, for they received
compensation from their new master. In fact, for a long period, neither ruler
dared take a stand against those changing sides, because neither wished to
alienate the noble in question or other nobles in the area. Instead, they tried to
entice them back. This was quite understandable from the political viewpoint,
but sent the unhelpful message that “bad behavior” was being rewarded rather
than punished.8
Several large landowners exploited this situation to the full, switching
allegiances seven or even eight times. The phenomenon existed even before
1541 and continued in the 1550s and 1560s: the Perényi, Bebek and Balassa
families stand out in this regard. In the long term, however, the tactic did not
pay off. Indeed, whether it succeeded even in the short term is questionable,
and on occasion it resulted in mighty failures. Of course, the noble in question
would soon recover his position. Yet one could not survive this extreme rollercoaster intact. Without exception, those who played this duplicitous game of
repeatedly switching allegiances lost either their lives, their families or their
wealth. Péter Perényi (d. 1548) died as a prisoner of Ferdinand, and one of his
sons was imprisoned by the Ottomans. Ferenc Bebek (d. 1558) was murdered,
and his son spent a long time in Ottoman captivity. Menyhért Balassa (d. 1568)
was also captured and lost his wife and some of his children; he died in poverty.9
Those swapping sides for personal gain or interest were despised by the
public, and contemporary historians listed them as negative examples. Menyhért
8 MNL OL F1 Libri Regii, 1. fols. 71, 95–96, 145, 191–192.
9 Nándor Virovecz, ‘Egy hírhedt főúri imázs és ami mögötte van. A Komédia Balassi Menyhárt árultatásáról… a történeti források fényében’, Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 120:3 (2016)
373–401.
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Balassa even became the subject of a satirical comedy. We might consider such
criticism to be natural – if the opinion-makers had been untainted themselves,
but one of these historians, for example, Ferenc Forgách (d. 1577), also swapped
sides, and members of such important families as the Báthorys and the Csákys
changed sides four or five times. Their cases, however, did not receive the
attention of contemporaries or even of later Hungarian historians, because
their decisions were motivated by coercion and fear of retribution and they
made no great political or financial capital out of them.10
Most nobles chose to be flexible and blow with the wind. Where they could
decide freely, they generally chose the rule of John Sigismund. They loyally
served the chosen ruler until circumstances prevented them from doing so.
Some, for instance, were captured by Habsburg forces during the “siege wars”
(várháborúk) or when a hostile and superior military force appeared on their
estates or at the castle gate. At such times, they had to switch allegiances in
order to survive and retain their property. When the situation changed and the
danger receded, however, they once again became loyal to John Sigismund.
This practice was not welcomed by either ruler because of the resulting
unpredictability of allegiance and property relations in the area concerned.
Moreover, the landowners always lost something, because they never had time
to prepare for the switch of allegiance with sufficient thoroughness, and, since
the switch was made under pressure rather than voluntarily, there were no
rewards on offer. At most, they were able to retain their possessions and wealth,
but the rejected ruler would certainly punish them by confiscating their lands.
If they were fortunate, their estates would be returned to them when they
switched back, but if the land had been granted to others in the meantime, all
they could hope for was some modest compensation.11
Hence the nobles of the Partium, regardless of which side they supported,
sought always to be in close contact with the other side. And since the long10 Wien, Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Ungarische Akten,
Allgemeine Akten Fasc. 82. fols. 1–4, 12–15, 18–24, 33–38, 157–164; Fasc. 83. fols. 1–4,
42–82; fols. 39–40, 54–55, 104–105, 143–146, 168–176; Gábor Almási, The Uses of Humanism.
Johannes Sambucus (1531–1584), Andreas Dudith (1533–1589), and the Republic of Letters in
East Central Europe. (Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History, 185.) Leiden, 2009, 99–111.
11 MNL OL F1 Libri Regii, 1. fols. 67–69, 71, 95–96, 102, 105, 191–192.
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term existence of the Transylvanian state was rather uncertain, they made
efforts to acquire landed properties in the Kingdom of Hungary. Families
divided in two by the Ottoman advance could often do so with ease. The most
extensive and cohesive chain was formed by the Petrovich-Draskovich-Melith
family and their relatives, who had partly broken away from the Croatian
nobility. Members of the family held top political functions in Croatia,
Hungary and Transylvania. Despite the distances, they were in constant
contact with each other. In addition to cooperating politically, they coordinated
marriages, land acquisitions, and many other questions affecting the family as
a whole. The residence of the Melith family in Northern Hungary functioned
as a point of intersection. It was the usual meeting place for members of the
extended family, who also often sent their children to study in Sárospatak
under the supervision of the Meliths.12
In the absence of such family divisions, it seems that some of the upper
nobles loyal to John Sigismund sought to establish connections with families
in the Kingdom of Hungary by way of marriage. The primary goal of such
marriages was to secure an escape route rather than to increase wealth.
Establishing a financial base in the Kingdom of Hungary was also an important
aim, but it could be achieved subsequently, step by step, with the help of the
new relatives. In the choice of spouse, therefore, the decisive factor was the
other family’s political standing and influence rather than its wealth.
An excellent example of changing allegiances in the Partium is the story of
Pál Csáky. Csáky was born into a rich family of the upper nobility, but his
landed property lay in the border zone. At first, he supported Szapolyai, but he
was won over by Ferdinand in 1553. At the time, John Sigismund was in
Poland, and the Habsburgs had temporary control of Transylvania. Three
years later, however, in order to protect his estates, Csáky switched allegiance
to John Sigismund, who had returned to Transylvania. The next major
development came in 1562, when he was taken captive by Habsburg forces at
the Battle of Hadad. He was held at the house of Ferenc Zay (1498–1570),
captain-general of Kassa, in conditions that were probably not those of real
12 MNL OL Zichy család Missiles, Melith Ferenc levelei, 3412 cs. XXXII. 81 NB nr.
2034–2115.
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imprisonment, given Csáky’s status and his history of siding with the
Habsburgs. Indeed, he used his time in captivity to marry the captain-general’s
daughter. The price of his marriage and liberation was that he had to change
sides. Shortly after the wedding, however, he returned his allegiance to John
Sigismund. On this occasion, he made the following excuses to his father-inlaw, who had remained faithful to the Habsburgs: “In us too, there is a godly
soul. We would rather belong to the Christians than to the heathens. But God’s
great whip is on us who live in this land, because we receive protection from
neither side, rather destruction. In view of so much oppression and harm, we
cannot cultivate anything; rather, we just moan, because no-one will protect us.
What should such a person, living between fire and water, do? He [should]
serve both of them.”13
This is a clear expression of the tactic for survival: to submit to the stronger
side. Also, concurrently, to build family and political connections in the other
direction – connections that could save a family and its landed property from
destruction and ruin. Necessity and survival were, therefore, the key words.
Another way out for the nobles of the Partium was to forge connections
with Poland. Some were able to acquire land on Polish territory through
marriage or purchase. The Polish connection received an impulse in the mid1550s, when it was announced that John Sigismund would inherit the Polish
throne if his uncle were to die without children. This actually happened in
1572, but only some months after John Sigismund’s own, premature death.
After 1576 and the election of Stephen Báthory (1576–1586) as Polish king,
the acquisition of land on Polish and Lithuanian territory became far easier.
This coincided with Báthory’s attempts to mix up the Hungarian, Polish and
Lithuanian nobility by dynastic means.14
13 Letter of Pál Csáky to Ferenc Zay, in Lajos Thallóczi, Csömöri Báró Zay Ferencz
1505–1570. Budapest, 1885, 155.
14 Gábor Kármán, ‘The Polish–Ottoman–Transylvanian Triangle: A Complex Relationship in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in Hacer Topaktaş and Natalia Królikowska
(eds.), Türkiye–Polonya İlişkilerinde “Temas Alanları” 1414–2014 Uluslararası Konferansı Bildiriler Kitabı. Ankara, 2017, 295–301; Teréz Oborni, ‘The Artful Diplomacy of István Báthory
and the Survival of the Principality of Transylvania (1571)’, in Arno Strohmeyer and Norbert
Spannenberger (eds.), Frieden und Konfliktmanagement in interkulturellen Räumen. Stuttgart,
2013, 85–93.
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In their attempts to secure their families and the future of their children,
upper nobles subject to John Sigismund were not confined to the means of
land acquisition and marriage. Many sons of the Transylvanian elite studied in
the Kingdom of Hungary and gained experience at the court or as soldiers.
Some of them went on to be princes of Transylvania: Christopher Báthory
(1530–1581) went to serve in Charles V’s court at the age of ten, and Stephen
Báthory and Stephen Bocskai served for several years as pages to Ferdinand I
and Emperor Maximilian II respectively. Sons from the Haller, Kendy,
Bornemisza and other families spent several years at the Viennese court. This
was not without risk, for these boys and young men were in close proximity to
the Habsburg rulers at a very impressionable age. In fact, however, they usually
became the most ardent opponents of the Habsburg court. Sons of less
prestigious families had the chance of serving in the Viennese residences of the
Hungarian upper nobility. Many youngsters were raised under the watchful
eye of Palatine Tamás Nádasdy (d. 1562) and Captains-General Miklós Pálffy
(1552–1600) and Simon Forgách (d. 1598).15
Nobles in the Kingdom of Hungary were under less pressure, because they
had no fear of their country being turned into a sancak at the whim of the
sultan. Of course, the Ottoman advance represented an ongoing danger and
risk. But they did not need to establish a network of connections in Transylvania.
Prior events had shown that, as long as they had the right professional
experience, they could settle under John Sigismund’s rule without further ado.
Indeed, there was even hope of obtaining a position there. Thus the elite in the
Kingdom of Hungary, although they were open to making connections, were
more passive than those on the other side. This passivity, however, lasted only
until they had an interest in taking action. Existing or new kinship ties became
important in cases of potential inheritance, and could be revitalized for several
15 Gábor Almási, ‘Variációk az értelmiségi útkeresés témájára a 16. században: Forgách
Ferenc és társai’, Századok 140:6 (2006) 1405–1440; Idem, ‘Miért Cicero? A cicerói értelmiségi modell és értékek reneszánsz adaptációjáról’, Korall 23 (2006) 60–85; István Fazekas,
‘Adalékok az ifjú Bocskai István bécsi udvarban eltöltött éveihez’, Studia Caroliensia 7:1 (2006)
73–85; Ildikó Horn, ‘Changing Attitudes Towards Study Tours among the Transylvanian
Elite’, in Gábor Almási et al. (eds.), A Divided Hungary in Europe: Exchanges, Networks and
Representations, 1541–1699. Vol. 1. Cambridge, 2015, 39–43.
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ILDIKó HORN
other reasons. For instance, upper nobles from the Kingdom of Hungary tried
to exploit the connections of their relatives in Transylvania to establish trade
connections in Poland, Moldavia and Wallachia.
The death of Ferdinand I (1564) brought changes to Hungarian domestic
politics. In the period after Emperor Maximilian’s accession to the throne,
many of Hungary’s nobles felt excluded from political power. Some politicians
– those who had been close to Maximilian while he was a grand duke and who
had hoped to be awarded specific posts – felt they had been brushed aside.
They began to search actively for connections with the political elite in
Transylvania. This process had multiple threads, but it culminated – between
1567 and 1569 – in the political movement associated with István Dobó (d.
1572) and János Balassa (1518–1577), and resulted in many outstanding and
high-ranking nobles and soldiers moving to Transylvania.16
After the election of Stephen Báthory as king of Poland, many Hungarian
nobles decided to have their sons educated at the court in Krakow rather than
in Vienna and Prague. Indeed, they encouraged their children to remain with
Báthory even after their term as pages ended. This was more of a sober
calculation than a reflection of national feeling. Owing to his successes in
Russia and his alliances with the Vatican and England, the king of Poland was
an increasingly respected figure on the European stage. He was widely regarded
among those with political influence as a potential candidate for the Hungarian
throne in the election that would follow the death of Emperor Rudolf, who
had been suffering from syphilis for a long time. In the first half of the 1580s,
Báthory’s court was the meeting place for the cream of young nobles from
Hungary and Transylvania. This, in turn, exerted a strong effect on subsequent
relationships and marriage choices.17
The conclusion is, therefore, that the division of the country into several
parts did not result in deep or hostile divisions among the Hungarian elite.
16 Géza Dávid, ‘János Balassi’nin Osmanlılarla İlişkisi. Devlet Haini Mi?’, in Taşkın Takış
and Sunay Aksoy (ed.), Halil İnalcık Armağanı. Vol. 1: Tarih Araştırmaları. Ankara, 2009,
281–290; István Kenyeres, ‘Dobó István (1502?–1572). Életrajzi vázlat’, Az egri vár híradója
38 (2006) 160–194.
17 Ildikó Horn, ‘Báthory István apródjai’, in Katalin Mária Kincses (ed.), Hadi és más
nevezetes történetek. Tanulmányok Veszprémy László tiszteletére. Budapest, 2018, 203–209.
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For nobles in both Hungary and Transylvania, the aim was to survive and
preserve their power and landed property in the harsh conditions. By renewing
political and family connections across the borders that separated them and by
assisting each other, they sought to secure and maintain prospects for the
entire Hungarian nobility.
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NEW FINDINGS ON THE EXTENT
OF THE EARLY ESTATES
OF THE BEYLERBEYİS OF BUDA
AND THE BEYS OF MOHAÇ
Éva Sz. Simon
Hungarian National Archives, Budapest
simon.eva@mnl.gov.hu
DISCOVERY OF TWO FRAGMENTARY SOURCES
In
the Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (Turkish Prime Minister’s Ottoman
Archives, henceforth BOA), the volumes of the defterhane of the Sublime Porte
are arranged in two series. The first, Tapu Tahrir Defteri (henceforth TT. d.),
with about 1100 defters, contains the sancak surveys and related timar registers
produced between 1431 and 1882. This is the larger and better-known series.
The second, Bab‐i Asafî Defterhane‐i Amire Defterleri (henceforth A. DFE.
d.), has another 851 surveys, produced in almost exactly the same period as the
first. They are dated between 1453 and 1852 and are mostly fragments of
defters, many of which are difficult to identify.1 Some of them concern Hungary.
Here, we discuss two defter fragments which at first sight seem valueless but
have turned out to contain valuable new information on the early period of
Ottoman-occupied South Transdanubia.2
This paper has been written with the support of grant number OTKA K 108919.
The map sketches were prepared by: Éva Sz. Simon, László Kollányi, Péter Kollányi.
1 Yusuf Sarınay (ed.), Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Rehberi. İstanbul, 2010, 99.
2 BOA A. DFE. d. 33, 626.
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ÉVA SZ. SIMON
What makes their discovery particularly welcome is that the formation and
early history of Ottoman Hungary are among the most difficult subjects for
Hungarian Ottomanists. From Géza Dávid’s graphic and imaginative
comparison of 1991, it is now well-known that “The first Buda beylerbeyis sat
in Buda like spiders, ensconcing themselves in the castle with only a tiny
filament connecting them to the body of the empire”.3 Apart from the central
sancak or liva of Buda, most of their vilayet consisted of sancaks in Balkan
territory: those of Ösek (Eszék/Osijek), Semendire (Szendrő/Smederevo),
İzvornik (Zvornik), Alacahisar (Kruševac) and Vulçıtrın (Vučitrn). Initially,
the only transport route that connected these lands to the centre was the River
Danube. When Gyula Káldy-Nagy produced his account of the subject in
1977, research findings were only beginning to appear, and he had to rely on
the descriptions of Ottoman historians that were not backed up by evidence
from primary sources.4 This shows the paucity of sources on the Ottoman rule
of Hungary before 1552. There are hardly any coherent, researchable archival
documents on this period except for the work of the historians and some
haphazard Hungarian correspondence. There are almost no defters with
abundant data of the kind that came later, such as the series of mühimme
defteris containing the copies of decrees issued by the imperial council (divan)
and the ruznamçe defteris recording grants of estates. In the above case, the
deciding evidence to support the link between the Balkan lands and Buda
described in the early chronicles came from an undated list found by Géza
Dávid some twenty years later.5
Although more and more surviving archival documents have been studied
and made accessible, the situation has hardly changed. We still have hardly
any knowledge of the territorial changes directly following the capture of
Buda or the distribution and location of the first Ottoman revenue estates.
At present, we have information from only one ruznamçe defteri written in
3 Géza Dávid, A
‘ budai beglerbégek jövedelmei és birtokai a 16. században’, Keletkutatás 1991
tavasz, 51.
4 Gyula Káldy-Nagy, A budai szandzsák 1559. évi összeírása. Budapest, 1977, 7.
5 Dávid, A
‘ budai beglerbégek’, 49. Cf. Feridun M. Emecen and İlhan Şahin, ‘Osmanlı Taşra
Teşkilâtının Kaynaklarından 957–958 (1550–1551) Tarihli Sancak Tevcîh Defteri’, Belgeler
19:23 (1998) 53–121, + facs.
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NEW FINDINGS ON THE EXTENT OF THE EARLY ESTATES
1541–1542, some of it concerning the history of possession of the dignitaries
and military officials of the sancaks that belonged to the vilayet of Buda.6 The
picture comes into much sharper focus after 1546. Most of the earliest sancak
surveys of the Buda vilayet compiled by Çandarlızade Halil Bey have survived.
Of the nine sancaks set up between 1541–1542 and 1546, there are surviving
registers from Buda, Ösek, Estergon (Esztergom), Novigrad (Nógrád),
Hatvan, Mohaç (Mohács) and Şimontorna (Simontornya) in the BOA
collection and those from Segedin (Szeged) are held in the Paris National
Library, but those from İstolni Belgrad (Székesfehérvár) are lost.7 These allow
the area of the sancaks to be clearly determined. Nonetheless, the series of
records of the granting of revenue estates produced on the basis of these
surveys are severely incomplete. Consequently, our knowledge of the Ottoman
estate history of each region in Hungary even in the period after 1546 is
somewhat haphazard.
South Transdanubia is one of the regions most poorly served by the sources.8
Research by Géza Dávid and Ferenc Szakály has provided the main basis for our
knowledge of its early history.9 Their thorough investigations have established
with certainty that the sancak of Mohaç was created before 11 March 1542.
We can only guess the territorial extent of the district before 1546, however.
We know almost nothing of the early Ottoman possessions that built up in the
area. Sancak survey data for 1546, however, allow the borders of the liva to be
drawn accurately (Map 1). In the absence of records of timar grants and the first
timar registers produced on the basis of the 1546 sancak survey, however, we
6 BOA Maliyeden Müdevver Defteri (MAD. d.) 34. For the Hungarian-related data of the register, see Géza Dávid, ‘A budai szandzsák első tímár-birtokosai’, Keletkutatás 1995. ősz, 111–114.
7 BOA TT. d. 388, 437, 410, 981, 441, 400; Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Turc. Suppl. No. 76.
8 From the early period, only the sancak survey of 1546 has survived, ordered by a command
sent to the district governor of Mohács in March 1545: “…the condition of the places and
relations with the reaya must, as for the other provinces, be determined.” Káldy-Nagy, A budai
szandzsák, 10. (TSMA D. 12321, p.142.)
9 Ferenc Szakály, A
‘ z első dunántúli szandzsák és megszervezője, Kászim bég’, Keletkutatás
1995. tavasz, 23–45; Géza Dávid, ‘Kászim vojvoda, bég és pasa. I–II. rész’, Keletkutatás 1995.
ősz, 53–66; 1996. tavasz, 41–56; Géza Dávid, ‘Mohács–Pécs 16. századi bégjei’, in Ferenc
Szakály and József Vonyó (eds.), Pécs a törökkorban. (Tanulmányok Pécs történetéből, 7.) Pécs,
1999, 51–87.
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Map 1
The extent of the sancak of Mohaç in 1546
cannot even guess who possessed these estates, in what proportions, or how the
land was distributed. That explains the special significance of the two fragments
that have now come to light in the BOA for the estate history of the region, even
if they give only a patchy version of the overall picture.
One of the recently-discovered source fragments (I) is not complete at its
beginning and end, and its exact date is not known. The title given in the
catalogue of the BOA is “Some towns and villages belonging to Şikloş (Siklós)
and Kopan (Koppány) classified among the has estates of the district governor
of Mohaç.”10 The document is part of a timar defteri, and what survives of it
covers 298 towns and villages, providing data on three estates, rather than the
two mentioned in the Turkish catalogue:
10 BOA A.DFE. d. 626: Şikloş ve Kopan’a bağlı bazı varoş ve köylerde, Budin Vilayeti mir-i
miran ve Mohaç mirliva haslarına ait tahrir defteri parçası.
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I/1. The beginning is missing, which prevents identification of the holder
unless a more detailed analysis is made. The total revenue of the estate was
474,088 akçes (pp. 1–3).
I/2. The has of the beylerbeyi of Buda, with a revenue of 496,017 akçes (pp.
4–17).
Since the usual revenue of the beylerbeyi of Buda was almost a million akçes,
and often more than that, the amount of revenue suggests a survey of a partial
has estate. The author of the defter did not, unfortunately, record the name of
the governor-general.
I/3. Fragment of the has of the sancakbeyi of Mohaç (pp. 18–20).
The end of this estate register is missing, and so we do not know the total
amount of its revenue. Neither does it give the name of the estate holder.
The name and date of the second defter fragment (II) causes even greater
confusion. The catalogue of the BOA describes it merely as “a section of a
tahrir defteri of villages connected to Szigetvár”. Szigetvár came into Ottoman
control only in 1566, but the defter includes an instruction written in different
hand, and with a date. This is the first half of the month of Şevval in the 954th
year of Hijra, the period 14–23 November 1547.11 The surviving fragment of
the record includes the names of only 59 towns and villages, all on a single
estate:
II/1. Estate of an unknown owner with a total revenue of 435,000 akçes
(pp. 1–4).
To render the details of the two surveys meaningful, we must first determine
the time when their figures were produced. The Ottoman Database being built
up in the Hungarian National Archives provides a means of interpreting and
analysing the data contained in the newly-discovered defter fragments.12
A search of data on each of the towns and villages in the documents reveals
that the content of both fragments corresponds to that of the timar defteri
associated with the sancak of Mohaç survey of 1546. The amounts of tax paid
by these towns and villages given in the two defter fragments agree exactly with
11 BOA A.DFE. d. 33. Sigetvar (Zigetvar)’a bağlı köylerin tahrir defteri parçası.
12 The database is being produced with the support of grant number OTKA K 108919 by
Klára Hegyi, Gábor Demeter, Éva Sz. Simon and Balázs Sudár.
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Area of the sancak of Mohaç
Fragment I
Fragment II
Map 2
Sources of the 1547 tİmar defterİ of the sancak of Mohaç
those given in the sancak survey used as a control material. The two newlydiscovered fragments were thus certainly made between the date of writing of
the 1546 sancak survey and the date given in Fragment II, mid-November
1547.13 Consequently, the mention of Szigetvár in the latterly-applied title
seems unwarranted, since that town came under Ottoman control in 1566.
The towns and villages in the defter fragments belong to the area of the sancak
of Mohaç, and when plotted on the map, may be seen to have been bounded to
13 Data on the carrying out of the census is contained in a command of 16 January 1545 sent
to Kasım, district governor of Mohács: Budun beğlerbeğisinden senün sancağına mal-i miri cemine
adam geldükde senün dahi vukufun ve marifetün olmak…” Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor, „Az ország
ügye mindenek előtt való.” A szultáni tanács Magyarországra vonatkozó rendeletei (1544–1545,
1552). Budapest, 2005, 45: No. 25.
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the north by Lake Balaton and the sancaks of Buda and Şimontorna, to the east
by the Danube, to the south by the Dráva and to the west by the line of
Hungarian forts Bélavár–Babócsa–Segesd–Marcali–Kéthely.
ESTATE HOLDERS AND THEIR LANDS
More thorough scrutiny of the defter clearly reveals the owner of each estate.
The first villages covered in Fragment I (Danóc, 29,640 akçes; Vörösmart,
81,831 akçes; and Laskó, 42,240 akçes) had become sultan’s revenue estates in
1544, before the first sancak survey, having previously belonged to the District
Governor Kasım of Mohaç. At that time, they formed part of the kaza of
Baranavar (Baranyavár).14 Laskó was continuously included in the sultan’s has,
even in 1570,15 and for this reason, and with reference to the regular content
and structure of the timar defteris,16 we may reasonably conclude that it was
already an imperial has estate in 1547.17 The first domain of Fragment I thus
contains the villages of the sancak of Mohaç which had remained in the sultan’s
possession, with total revenue of 474,088 akçes.
The governor-general of Buda had has estates in the sancak of Mohaç of
approximately similar extent in 1547. In his 1991 work, Géza Dávid examined
14 On 13 January 1545: Budin defterdarına [bir hüküm ki:] Tolna kazasına tabi Eten ve Batasek
nam varoşlar, Fat ve Şak nam kariyeler ve Baranavar kazasına tabi Nana ve Laşkova ve Danofça ve
Fereşmarta nam varoşlar ve Mohaç kazasına tabi Bata ve nefs-i Mohaç ve Şarviz ködeprüsi [recte:
köprüsi] mahsuli ve dalyanlar bundan akdem sene dokuzyüz elli rebiü’l-ahirinün yiğirmi dokuzuncı
güninde vaki olan ağustos evvelinden kıdvetü’l-ümerai’l-kiram Mohaç sancağı beği Kasım dame
izzuhu tahvilinden hassa-i hümayunuma ilhak olunub…” Dávid and Fodor, „Az ország ügye”, 33,
35: Nos. 16, 17.
15 BOA TT d. 550 p.182.
16 The timar defteris were arranged by value of the estate types in the sancak, in descending
order. They started with the old and new lands of the sultanic has, followed by the lands of the
beylerbeyi, the hases and part-hases of the mirlivas of the district and of other sancaks, the ziamet lands of high-ranking persons in military service, the sipahis’ timar lands and the collective
(salary) timars of the garrison troops.
17 In 1545, Ahmed Bey of İstolni Belgrad asserted his right to the estates and seized their
revenue. According to the sultan’s command, however, they remained treasury estates. Dávid
and Fodor, „Az ország ügye”, 36–37.
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Area of the sancak of Mohaç
Has of the sultan
Has of the beylerbeyi of Buda
Has of the sancakbeyi of Mohaç
Map 3
The has estates of the sultan, beylerbeyİ and sancakbeyİ in the sancak of Mohaç (1547)
the size the estates possessed by the beylerbeyis of Buda.18 He established that
the Buda officials did not hold estates north of the Danube–Dráva line before
May 1543. By 1547, the beylerbeyi had an income from the sancak of Buda of
199,156 akçes. Without the timar defteris, however, we cannot know exactly
how much income he had from the other sancaks. The recently-discovered
register tells us that in 1547, the beylerbeyi of Buda had the income from 233
towns and villages lying in a broad band of the area between the River Dráva
and the southern border of the sancak of Buda, from the north-south course of
the Danube to the east end of Lake Balaton. After 1547, we can therefore be
sure that the third beylerbeyi of Buda, Yahyapaşazade Mehmed (1543–1548),
held lands in South Transdanubia, providing him with 496,017 akçes, nearly
18
Dávid, A
‘ budai beglerbégek’, 49–64.
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NEW FINDINGS ON THE EXTENT OF THE EARLY ESTATES
fifty per cent of his total income. This new data also proves that after the first
sancak survey, the income of the Buda dignitaries no longer, or only to a very
small extent, came from Balkan lands. To extend the metaphor: The spider
started to weave his cross-fibres, and could close in on his prey.
The third part of Fragment I contains a partial record of the domain belonging
to the sancakbeyi of Mohaç. After the liva was set up, its first bey was Kasım
(1542?–1547).19 From the rigid rules governing the granting of Ottoman estates,
we may safely infer that the places mentioned in the fragment belonged to his
domain. Until now, we have only known of Kasım’s vakıfs, and we had no
knowledge of his official pay as a sancakbeyi. The (fractional) income of 115,509
akçes stated here and the geographical position of the towns and villages
representing the income are very useful pieces of information. The income of the
beys of Mohaç at this time, however, must have been about four times that
amount. This implies that the majority of the domain is missing from the record.
The Fragment II defter comes to our aid in reconstructing the missing parts.
Although Fragment II has exactly the same structure as the Mohaç timar
defteri identified in Fragment I, we cannot state with complete certainty that
Fragment II is the continuation of the timar defteri, because we cannot
conclusively demonstrate that it was written by the same hand. It may be a
copy, made for some reason on the basis of the timar defteri. Simultaneity is
proved only by the identity of the data of the settlements with that in the 1546
register of the sancak of Mohaç. The proposition that the document is not a
detached section of the original timar defteri would imply the need to seek an
explanation for it being rewritten.
Fragment II comprises only the final part of the register of a domain. The
towns and villages listed in the fragment still belonged to the sancak of Mohaç
in 1546, but formed part of the sancak of Kopan after the 1552 surveys. Eleven
towns entered at the end of the record are given only with estimated tax figures.
Taken together, the places registered in the surviving fragment contributed
103,429 akçes of the 435,000-akçe total income from the domain, which means
that about three quarters of the surveyed domain is missing from the register.
19 For his biography, see Szakály, ‘Az első dunántúli szandzsák’, 23–45; Dávid, ‘Kászim
vojvoda’, 53–66.
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Judging from contemporary incomes, this total amount must have been the
income of a major sancak leader. Consequently, the owner of the domain
registered in the fragment may reasonably be identified as a bey of Mohaç who
was in position between 1546 and 1552, because the income of the Şimontorna
beys in the area was much lower at this time, and the sancak of Kopan had not
yet been established.20 Possession by the sancakbeyi seems to be borne out by
an entry made in another hand at the top of the last page of the manuscript,
claiming that the estates for which estimated tax was entered (ber vech-i tahmin)
were assigned to the has of the sancakbeyi. Now that there was peace with the
“giaours”, it had been commanded that these should not be given to anyone, but
entered into the defter.21 An aid to identifying the mirliva who held the domain
is a reference in the text to the making of peace. Although the entry was made
between 14 and 23 November 1547, the peace was ratified the same year, by
the Hungarian side on 16 August and by the Ottoman side on 14 October.22
The survey of the domain must have been taken at least before the Ottoman
ratification. The last reference to Kasım’s holding his position in Mohaç dates
from 23 July 1547.23 Subsequently, sometime before his appointment as
beylerbeyi of Buda on 25 December 1547,24 he was relocated to İstolni Belgrad.
His successor was Derviş, who had been promoted from Danube kapudan to
be the founder of the sancak of Segedin and at that time was relocated from
being bey of the sancak of İstolni Belgrad. As persons important enough to be
assigned to found sancaks, both Kasım and Derviş had remuneration
approaching half a million akçes, and so we cannot determine with certainty
whose income this sum of 435,000 constituted. The fact that there could
20 Dávid Géza, A simontornyai szandzsák a 16. században. Budapest, 1982, 27.
21 İşbu elli bin akçe … timarlar ber vech-i tahmin mirlivaya has kayd olunmuş imiş. Haliya
küffar-i haksar ile barışıklık olmağın kimesneye verilmesin diye emr olunub deftere kayd olunmak
buyurulmağın… (“These 50,000-akçe timars, by estimate, were entered into the mirliva’s has.
Now that there is peace with the giaours, a command has been given not to give them to anyone.
Their entry into the defter is commanded.”)
22 Papp Sándor, ‘Kárrendezési kísérletek a hódoltságban az 1547. évi békekötés után’, Keletkutatás 1996. ősz–2002. tavasz, 144.
23 BOA Kamil Kepeci tasnifi (KK d.) 208, p. 172, quoted by Dávid, ‘Kászim vojvoda’, 61.
24 BOA A RSK d. 1452, p. 28, quoted by Géza Dávid, ‘Az első szegedi bég, Dervis életpályája’, Aetas 14:4 (1999) 8.
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NEW FINDINGS ON THE EXTENT OF THE EARLY ESTATES
hardly have been any difference between their incomes, however, permits the
inference that the domain may have been owned by both of them, almost
unchanged. The dates make it most probable that the reason for the new survey
was the change of places at the head of the sancaks of Mohaç and İstolni
Belgrad, when the areas whose tax was estimated were detached from the new
bey’s domain. No evidence to substantiate this hypothesis, however, has yet
come to light. All we can say with certainty is that after 1546, the income of the
bey of Mohaç in his own sancak was 435,000 akçes.
ESTATES AND STRATEGIC OBJECTIVES
The leaders of the Ottoman Empire used two methods in parallel as they
advanced into the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary. The first, military
conquest, involving the capture of Hungarian fortresses, was mainly conducted
in campaigns. The second was mainly applied in the intervals between
campaigns and during periods of peace. It was largely an administrative
method. In these cases, unconquered territories were included in the tahrir
defteris and assigned as revenue-bearing estates, thus motivating the leading
persons and military officers of the sancak to tax the area and ultimately to
widen the strategic operating area of the Ottoman Empire. The second method
can mainly be traced through the abundant sources from the period following
1552.25 The two source fragments described above prove that the tactic was
being applied right from the start.
The fragments allow us to determine the location of three of the domains
established on the land of the sancak of Mohaç, which was re-surveyed in 1546:
the extension of the has estates of the sultan, the beylerbeyi and the sancakbeyi of
Mohaç (Map 3). No data has survived on the income of the sipahis, the garrisons
or the other officials. The domains in question lay in bands of varying width and
density and were entered into the register in geographical order, from east to
west, from the Danube to the border of the Kingdom of Hungary.
25 Éva Sz. Simon, ‘Névlegesen birtokolt szandzsákbégi hászok a 16. századi oszmán terjeszkedés szolgálatában’, Századok 141:6 (2007) 1351–1406.
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Map 4
Sultanic hases in the sancak of Mohaç in 154726
The towns that lay closest to the principal military, supply and trade route,
the Danube, remained in the possession of the sultan. The towns and villages
that can be identified for the domain in the fragment include Mohács, Danóc,
Vörösmart and Laskó, which lay along the Danube; Beremen and Nagyharsány,
which lay on the approach route of the Dráva crossings; and six villages and a
farm assigned to Siklós, Harsány and Koppány.27 Since the defter is incomplete,
we know nothing about the villages that provided twenty per cent of the estate
26 The map does not include the villages in the north that were to be part of the sancak of
Kopan: Aszaló, Déshida and Zics.
27 Nagyfalu, later Siklósnagyfalu, lay at the crossroads of two major routes. It was on the
road from Siklós to Beremend, and the road from Harsány that led through Szentmárton and
the Dráva crossing Szomorréve. Márta Font, Siklós középkori története. Accessed 3 October
2018: http://tancsics.skisiklos.hu/doc/hh/forras2.pdf.
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revenue. The census of the known villages covers gate tax, market duties and
tolls, bearing out the thesis that the internal, easily-accessible, economically
valuable areas of occupied Hungary remained in possession of the treasury.28
In this initial period, however, the proportion of income of villages in the
sancak of Mohaç reserved for the treasury was still relatively modest. The tax
from the places remaining in the sultan’s possession accounted for only 16.5
per cent of the total revenue of the sancak of Mohaç. This figure was lower by
a factor of three or more than the corresponding figures (from later dates) in
the sancak of Buda (66.4% in 1559 and 77.8% in 1580), but was greater than
the figure for the frontier sancak of Sigetvar, established in the 1570s (4.4% in
1570).29 Although the collectable revenue of 474,088 akçes was always lower
than the revenues that could be collected for the sultan in the sancak of Buda
(1,116,270 akçes in 1546), it greatly exceeded the revenue of places that
remained in the sultan’s possession in the northern and eastern sancaks of the
vilayet, Novigrad (13,518 akçes) and Hatvan (130,845 akçes). Mohaç was thus
the second most remunerative Hungarian liva in the 1540s.
28 Klára Hegyi, Török berendezkedés Magyarországon. Budapest, 1995, 63.
29 The total revenue of the sancak was 2,864,034 akçes, of which 474,088 akçes was the
portion of the sultan’s hases. The revenue from the places included in the fragment was 382,497
akçes. BOA TT. d. 441; BOA A. DFE 33, 626.
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Map 5
Has estates of the beylerbeyİ of Buda in the sancak
of Mohaç in 1547
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Map 6
Estates of the sancakbeyİ of Mohaç around Szigetvár (1)
The registers show that the governor-general of Buda was due 496,017
akçe from the area of the sancak of Mohaç.30 That means that his share of the
total revenue of the sancak was only slightly greater than that of the sultan.
To obtain the same sum as was due to the treasury, however, Yahyapaşazade
Mehmed had to extract tax from about ten times as many towns and villages.
The average tax from the villages retained by the sultan was nearly 30,000
akçes, compared with only 2,100 akçes from those assigned to the beylerbeyi.
The treasury thus skimmed the cream here as it did in the sancak of Buda.
Surviving registers show that the beylerbeyi of Buda was denied almost
anything from his own sancak, where he had an income of merely 199,156
akçes. Income from the remote sancak of Semendire made up only part of the
deficiency. Lands were sought for him in Mohaç, and although they were not
wealthy, they were at least apparently dependable. He never had to put up
30
The total sum in tax from all towns and villages was 503,974 akçes.
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with the trouble of border areas.31 His lands stretched continuously up to
Şimontorna and probably even further, but there are no sources to prove this
conjecture.
The defter fragments give us information of about fifty per cent of the
estates of the sancak of Mohaç. The revenues came from three distinct blocks.
The first is that of defter section I/3. The places listed there lay in the area of
the nahiyes of Peçuy (Pécs) and Senlörinç (Szentlőrinc), to the west of the
beylerbeyi ’s has estates, and included three towns: Pécs, captured in 1543 and
serving from then on as the residence of the bey, and Pellérd and Szentlőrinc,
which lay on the road from Pécs to Szigetvár. There were also forty-five
villages and a deserted village (Kisárpád, possessed as a vakıf).32 Their average
tax was 2,357 akçes, somewhat more than the average revenue from the estates
of the beylerbeyi of Buda. The revenue from these towns and villages clearly
served as the bey ’s income, but in addition to this economic purpose, subsequent
events show that they also had a strategic role. The places belonging to this
administrative unit, as can be immediately seen from the map of the sancak,
already surrounded the Hungarian-held town of Szigetvár in 1547. By the
time of the new survey in 1552, Szigetvár had been completely sealed off. The
Hungarian-held town and castle was caught in the pincers of the sancak of
Mohaç and the newly-created sancak of Göröşgal (Görösgal). The district
governor’s estates lying along the road from the sancak capital of Peçuy to the
most important objective of expansion, Szigetvár, remained in this new defter,
serving preparations for attack and defence, their residents securing the
marching route and monitoring any Hungarian movements towards Ottomanheld areas.
The other domain of the beys of Mohaç is the subject of the survey register
that partially survives in Fragment II. Its towns and villages clearly presage the
area and structure of the later sancak of Kopan, leaving the later nahiye centres
31 For other methods devised to make up for the deficiencies in the revenue of the beylerbeyis of Buda, see Dávid, A
‘ budai beglerbégek’, 50: note 7; Sz. Simon, ‘Névlegesen birtokolt’,
1355–1356.
32 We know that “Kasım Bey of the above mentioned liva” acquired the deserted village of
Kisárpád “for payment of its tithe”, which amounted to 100 akçes, after paying its tapu tax.
Dávid, ‘Kászim vojvoda’, 65.
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Map 7
Estates of the sancakbeyİ of Mohaç in the area of the later sancak of Kopan (2)
and their immediate surroundings in the bey ’s possession. It was essential to
extract tax from these places in order to set up the new administrative unit. The
average tax of the three towns (Nagykarád, Köröshegy and Szakcs) and fortysix villages was hardly more than 1000 akçes. This modest sum – a kind of
gesture to the inhabitants – served to stabilize Ottoman rule. The task of the
sancakbeyi in this area was clearly to spread Ottoman administration into a new
area, which culminated in the establishment of the sancak of Kopan in 1552.
The third block comprised Hungarian fortresses and towns bordering on
the kingdom (Babócsa, Bélavár, Segesd, Marcali and Kéthely) and six villages
around them. Their revenue was estimated at 50,000 akçes. They had not yet
been assessed or recorded in the sancak survey and were appended to the bey’s
estates as off-defter items. Although the likelihood of taxing Hungarian fortress
towns was somewhat small, the average revenue per settlement in the block
was 4,545 akçes, well in excess of the average for the places assigned to the
sancakbeyi and the beylerbeyi. This unrealistically high sum could only have
meant that the objective here, too, was strategic. The task, however, was
different from that observed in the previous block. It was not to organise a new
155
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ÉVA SZ. SIMON
Map 8
Estates of the sancakbeyİ of Mohaç on the Hungarian
defensive line (3)
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NEW FINDINGS ON THE EXTENT OF THE EARLY ESTATES
administrative unit but merely to make preparations for one. The arrangement
put financial pressure on the bey: He would lose out on great sums if he did not
have the area plundered, intimidating and subordinating its Hungarian
inhabitants, or at least extracting intelligence from them. We thus see in the
case of the third block the marking out of lands claimed by the Ottomans and
marked out for extraction of tax. The strategy was successful, although some
time was to pass before it bore fruit. After 1552, some of the places belonging
to the third block came into the possession of Derya Bey of Şimontorna
(1553?–1554), who directed the raids south of Lake Balaton to enclose
Szigetvár. Babócsa, in the southwest corner of the liva of Mohaç, was first
detached as the new sancak centre in 1555, after a combined attack on the area
that prepared for the following year’s siege of Szigetvár. A nahiye centre was
established in the northern town of Marcali in 1565, and after the capture of
Szigetvár, when the surrounding small castles surrendered to the Ottoman
army and the area was made into the sancak of Sigetvar, two others were
established, in Babócsa and Segesd. The estates of the beys of Mohaç started to
extend in the western direction in 1552, taking no trouble with the Hungarian
fortresses left behind, and the next targets were the crossing points at Kanizsa
Castle, some 80 km away, and places along the River Mura, identifying new
territorial claims to serve the strategic objectives of the Ottoman military
command.
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THE LION THAT WAS ONLY A CAT:
SOME NOTES ON THE LAST YEARS AND
THE DEATH OF ARSLAN PASHA, BEY OF
SEMENDİRE AND BEYLERBEYİ OF BUDA
Claudia Römer
Vienna University
claudia.roemer@univie.ac.at
Nicolas Vatin
CETOBAC (CNRS–EHESS–Collège de France), EPHE, PSL
nvatin@ehess.fr
Arslan Pasha is a well-known figure, on whom four studies have been
published so far.1 Why did historians show such an interest in him?
Actually, he probably owes his fame not so much to his brilliant career, but
more so to its end: he was executed by order of Süleyman the Magnificent at
the beginning of the Szigetvár campaign on 3 August 1566 after the first
failures he had been responsible for. The event, that is, his siyaseten execution,
caused some repercussions (which proves the fact that executions were carried
1 Hans Jensen, ‘Ungarische Urkunden aus der Türkenzeit.1. Über Arslan Pascha, Bejlerbej
von Ofen’, Der Islam 10 (1920) 147–150; Claudia Römer, ‘Zu widersprüchlichen Beurteilungen eines Rechtsstreits durch die Kanzlei des Beglerbegi von Buda, Arslan Paša, im Jahr
1565’, Mitteilungen der Grazer Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 8 (1999) 29–41; Claudia Römer,
‿ ās. s-Estates
Illegally Claimed by Arslan Paša, Beglerbegi of Buda. 1565–1566’,
‘On Some H
.
in Colin Heywood and Colin Imber (eds.), Studies in Ottoman History in Honour of Professor
V. L. Ménage, Istanbul, 1994, 297–317; Yasemin Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi Arslan Paşa
(1565–1566)’, OTAM 19 (2006) 33–51.
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CLAUDIA RÖMER – NICOLAS VATIN
out relatively rarely) and distinguished him from the ordinary provincial
governors. It seems that this affair needs to be reconsidered, especially after
re-reading two famous contemporary chronicles. On the other hand, we may
ask ourselves which of his ways and actions as governor during the years
previous to his end may explain his being disgraced. We possess abundant
Ottoman documentation for the last three years of his life.2 This is why we
decided to concentrate on the years 1563–1566, that is, the periods of his
sancakbeyilik in Semendire and his subsequent beylerbeyilik in Buda, as well as
his condemnation. We have tried to determine the role of his personality in
this matter, but also Süleyman’s practice of justice and how this latter was
experienced by his high-ranking kul.
A BEAUTIFUL AND PROMISING CAREER
Arslan’s career has been summarized in the four articles mentioned above.
3
The most important thing is to note that Arslan belonged to a prominent
family:4 he was the grandson of Yahyalı Yahya Pasha (who had been vizier,
governor-general (beylerbeyi) of Anatolia and Rumelia, son-in-law of Bayezid II
[1481–1512]), nephew of Bali Pasha and Ahmed Pasha, and finally son of
2 We have made use of mühimme defteri (henceforth MD) from the years 1563–1565. One
is an unpublished manuscript kept in the National Library in Vienna (ÖNB Mxt. 270), quoted
here as Vienna MD; two others are kept in the Başbakanlık Archives in Istanbul and have been
published, namely MD 6: 6 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri 972 (1564–65): Özet, Transkripsiyon
ve İndeks. Ankara 1995, and MD 5: 5 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri (973/1565). Özet ve İndeks.
Ankara 1994. Numerous other Ottoman documents kept in the National Library in Vienna
have also been published. See Anton C. Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Süleymāns des Prächtigen
an Karl V., Ferdinand I. und Maximilian II. aus dem Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv zu Wien.
Wien, 1983; Anton C. Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Süleymāns des Prächtigen an Vasallen, Militärbeamte, Beamte und Richter aus dem Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv zu Wien. Wien, 1986;
Gisela Procházka-Eisl and Claudia Römer, Osmanische Beamtenschreiben und Privatbriefe der
Zeit Süleymāns des Prächtigen aus dem Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv zu Wien. (Denkschriften
der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist.Kl., 357.) Wien, 2007.
3 Cf. note 1.
4 For what follows, see Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 34–35, and Pál Fodor’s study in the present volume.
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THE LION THAT WAS ONLY A CAT
Mehmed Pasha. All the three of them had distinguished themselves in the
Balkan wars. Bali had been beylerbeyi of Buda from February 1542 to May
1543, Mehmed from May 1543 to January 1548. Arslan was trained by his
father before he was entrusted with his first governorships. Two remarks seem
necessary here: 1. We are confronted with an officer who belonged more to
aristocracy than to meritocracy (which does not mean that he did not have any
merits). His future was evident, as he had been trained to attain the highest
ranks – a profile that had become rarer at the end of the sixteenth century but
still existed; 2. He made his whole career in the Balkans and Central Europe,
at the border – this fact, too, cannot be regarded as an explicitly rare
phenomenon, especially in the frontier regions where special competences and
a sound knowledge of the terrain were required.5 Thus, Arslan may have
known Hungarian (as he suggested to Maximilian to write letters to him rather
in this language than in Latin) and there were Hungarian renegades among
those around him.6 One may think – we will come back to this issue below –
that a combination of these two factors enabled him to be nominated for his
post in Buda.
As far as his first posts are concerned, a certain confusion is prevailing, as
various more or less complete nominations and chronologies have been
proposed by the authors on the basis of their sources. We are not sure it will
help if we, in our turn, attempt a detailed analysis in order to suggest yet
another chronology, which is bound to cause controversy. What is most
important is to underline, as we have done, the Hungarian character of our
hero’s cursus.
5 On the careers of the governors of the sancaks and vilayets at the end of the sixteenth and
the beginning of the seventeenth centuries, see Metin Kunt, The Sultan’s Servants: the Transformation of the Ottoman Provincial Government, 1550–1650, New York, 1983, 57–76 ff and (concerning the second point) Nicolas Vatin, ‘Un territoire “bien gardé” du sultan? Les Ottomans
dans leur vilâyet de Basra, 1565–1568’, in Eyal Ginio and Elie Podeh (eds.), The Ottoman Middle
East. Studies in Honour of Amnon Cohen. Leiden, 2014, 87–89. Sokollu Mustafa, who was Arslan’s successor as beylerbeyi of Buda, owed this probably to his uncle the grand vizier. But it has
to be mentioned that he, too, had made a careeer in this zone, namely in Temeşvar (Temesvár/
Timişoara), Filek (Fülek/Fil’akovo), Segedin (Szeged), and in Bosnia; cf. Gyula Káldy-Nagy,
‘Budin Beylerbeyi Mustafa Paşa (1566–1578)’, Belleten 54:210 (1990) 655.
6 Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 40.
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CLAUDIA RÖMER – NICOLAS VATIN
Claudia Römer7 had suggested the following career in 1990: Pojega (Požega,
1537), Vulçıtrın (Vučitrn, 1543), Kalaça (Kalocsa) and Hatvan (1549), İstolni
Belgrad (Székesfehérvár, 1552), Silistre (1556), Lipova (Lippa, 1557), Mohaç
(Mohács, 1557–1559),8 Pojega (1560), eventually Semendire. But according
to Hungarian and Austrian sources he was in Peçuy (Pécs) in 1558–1559.9
This confusion may be due to the fact that originally Peçuy belonged to the
sancak of Mohaç and Peçuy only became a sancak in the 1560s.10
In any case, the first mention so far of Arslan as sancakbeyi of Semendire
comes from an order handed to the kethüda Mustafa on 23 July 1563.11
According to Altaylı, Arslan’s qualities were publicly known to a degree that
made people think his career was only beginning: Apparently, as early as 1559,
he had been mentioned as a serious candidate for the succession of Toygun
Pasha of Buda.12 No matter whether this rumour may have been true or not,
Arslan was certainly thought to be eligible for this post. For during his time at
Semendire, he was entrusted with the temporary position of acting governor
of the beylerbeyilik of Buda.13 It is generally accepted that he held this position
from July to November 1564,14 after beylerbeyi Zal Mahmud Pasha’s urgent
departure for Istanbul in the aftermath of a military uprising at the end of June
7
Römer, ‘One Some H
‿ ās. s-Estates’
, 297.
.
8
Cf. Géza Dávid, ‘The Sancaq of Veszprém’, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 47 (1994) 57–65; repr. in Idem, Studies in Demographic and Administrative History of
Ottoman Hungary. İstanbul, 1997, 163–171, particularly 168: note 23.
9 Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 36–37.
10 See Sándor Papp ‘Peçuy’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 34. İstanbul,
2007, 215, and Géza Dávid, ‘Mohaç’, in ibid., Vol. 30. İstanbul, 2005, 231.
11 Vienna MD, No. 618. This is somewhat earlier than the year 1564 suggested by C. Römer,
quoting Olga Zirojević, Tursko vojno uređenje u Srbiji, 1459–1683. Beograd, 1973, 262.
12 Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 37. However, she does not indicate her source.
‿ ās. s-Estates’
, 297; Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 38 presents this fact as
13 Römer, ‘One Some H
.
a hypothesis, but in the letter of 23 August 1564 cited by her, Arslan unambiguously appears as
sancakbeyi of Semendire and placeholder in Buda: praefectus sandsacati nandorbensis et seudrőiensis [sic] necnon Budae locumtenens; her source is Sándor Takáts, A török hódoltság korából (Rajzok
a török világból, 4). Budapest, 1928, 70. One could read either seudrőiensis or sendrőiensis, but as
the Hungarian name of Semendire/Smederevo is Szendrő, sendrőiensis is correct.
‿ ās. s-Estates’
, 297, according to Anton von Gévay, ‘Versuch eines
14 Römer, ‘One Some H
.
chronologischen Verzeichnisses der türkischen Statthalter von Ofen’, in Joseph Chmel (ed.),
Der österreichische Geschichtsforscher. Vol. 2. Wien, 1841, 61–62.
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THE LION THAT WAS ONLY A CAT
1564.15 The decipherment of the Vienna mühimme defteri casts some doubt on
this certitude. There is, indeed, an order which is unfortunately difficult to
read, but quite clear as far as the facts we want to glean from it are concerned.
The document was registered on 18 Şevval 971/30 May 1564. Arslan is
ordered to go to Buda in order to ensure the defence of the vilayet until the
arrival of the new beylerbeyi İskender Pasha, who until then served in Van.16
Considering the travelling distance and the time necessary for decision-making,
replacing Zal Mahmud Pasha cannot have been decided upon before mid-May
and one may also ask oneself whether this was really connected to the mutiny
of the troops. In any case, it was not a measure against Zal Mahmud, who was
soon to be promoted to the beylerbeyilik of Anatolia, then to the vizierate.17
Whichever way this may be, in the official Ottoman documentation, Arslan is
called “bey of Semendire responsible for guarding Buda” between 17 August
and 26 October 1564.18 From 8 December onward,19 the orders addressed to
the bey of Semendire, that is, Arslan, do not mention his interim. However, on
24 December, he writes a letter to the “king of Austria”, which implies that at
this time he still played his role as a frontier diplomat of the governor of Buda.20
15 Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 38.
16 Vienna MD, No. 345. İskender Pasha’s biography given by Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmanî,
İstanbul, 1996, 809. He ignores the fact that İskender Pasha came via Van. Before, he had been
bostancıbaşı, ağa of the janissaries, and beylerbeyi of Egypt. During the Szigetvár campaign he was
kaymakam at the capital, then fourth vizier. He died in 1571 during the Cyprus campaign.
17 We do not know much about this person. He was a kul of Bosnian origin, kapucıbaşı,
beylerbeyi of Buda, Aleppo and Anatolia (in this latter function, he took part in the Szigetvár
campaign), vizier and son-in-law of Selim II. Gelibolulu Mustafa Âli devotes a page to him in
his Künhü’l-Ahbâr (Gelibolulu Mustafa Ali, Gelibolulu Mustafa Âlî ve Künhü’l-Ahbâr’ında II.
Selim, III. Murat ve III. Mehmet Devirleri. Ed. by Çerçi Faris. Kayseri, 2000, 93–94). Based
on Gévay, ‘Versuch eines chronologischen Verzeichnisses’, 9: note 12, Géza Dávid, who thinks
of him as a rather insignificant person, says that Zal Mahmud arrived in Buda, coming from
Avlonya. Cf. Géza Dávid, ‘Incomes and Possessions of the Beylerbeyis of Buda in the Sixteenth
Century’, in Gilles Veinstein (ed.), Soliman le Magnifique et son temps. Paris, 1992, 389.
18 MD 6, Nos. 33, 127, 147, 286.
19 MD 6, No. 474.
20 Procházka–Eisl and Römer, Beamtenschreiben, No. 64, 134–135 (Ernst D. Petritsch, Regesten der osmanischen Dokumente im Österreichischen Staatsarchiv. (MÖStA Ergänzungsband,
10/1: 1480–1574) Wien, 1991, No. 435). Do we have to take into account a chronological
difference between the capital and Buda? Or should we suppose that he continued to ensure
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CLAUDIA RÖMER – NICOLAS VATIN
The chronology of Arslan’s nomination for the beylerbeyilik of Buda is
somewhat blurred as well, especially as a certain amount of confusion seems to
have prevailed at the chancery. Some letters of İskender Pasha addressed to the
Habsburg side prove that he fulfilled this function until the end of April.21
A firman from the decade between 12 and 21 May 1565 is addressed to İskender
in his function of governor-general of Buda;22 another one, of 18 May, which is
addressed to a whole series of sancakbeyis, among whom Arslan as governor of
the sancak of Semendire, orders them to join İskender Pasha, beylerbeyi of Buda.23
In reality, however, İskender was no longer in this function, as Arslan probably
was to replace him directly at his arrival. Indeed, an earlier order to the “former
beylerbeyi” İskender, dated 10 May, asks him to continue exercising his duties until
the arrival of the new beylerbeyi Arslan. Nevertheless, he obviously was to stay, for
the firman further ordered him to ensure the continuation of the office when
Arslan would be away on a campaign.24 This is precisely what he had to do by
order in July 1565.25 Under these circumstances, one may suppose that a certain
Mustafa writing to Hidayet, the Ottoman ambassador to Vienna, was more or
less right in estimating that Arslan was to arrive at Buda on 14 June 1565.26
In a nutshell, we may suppose that Arslan was appointed for Semendire in
July 1563; that during the two months’ period he was in this position he was
the interim, without this fact being repeated? We do not find a document from before 18 May
mentioning İskender Pasha as beylerbeyi of Buda (MD 6, No. 1156). However, this does not
necessarily mean that he had not yet come back to his post several months before. Let us also
mention a firman to the alaybeyi of Semendire of 10 March 1565, which orders him to prepare
his men while waiting for Arslan to return (MD 6, No. 827). But the sancakbeyi’s absence is not
necessarily connected to his presence in Buda.
21 Procházka-Eisl and Römer, Beamtenschreiben, No. 65, 135–136 (Petritsch, Regesten, No.
438), No. 68, 140–141 (Petritsch, Regesten, No. 446), No. 69, 141–142 (Petritsch, Regesten,
No. 449), No. 71, 143–144 (Petritsch, Regesten, No. 450). The last one is dated in the decade
of 22 April to 1 May 1565.
22 Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Süleymāns an Vasallen, No. 40.
23 MD 6, No. 1156.
24 MD 6, No. 1164.
25 MD 6, Nos. 1367, 1368.
26 Procházka-Eisl and Römer, Beamtenschreiben, No. 83, 161–163 (Petritsch, Regesten,
No. 467). In any case, Arslan receives firmans as beylerbeyi of Buda from the decade of 22–30
May 1565. Cf. Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Süleymāns an Vasallen, Nos. 41, 42.
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THE LION THAT WAS ONLY A CAT
entrusted with the interim government of Buda from the beginning of June
1564 to the end of December 1564 or some time beyond this date; and that he
was eventually appointed beylerbeyi of Buda in the first half of May 1565,
arriving there around mid-June.
A GOVERNOR LIKE ALL THE OTHERS?
The (posterior) Hungarian chronicler Nicolaus Istvánffy, before mentioning
the events that were to initiate Arslan’s downfall, attributes the first cause of
his misfortunes to the pasha’s personality: “He had an agitated mind and every
day was drunk by opium and wine spirit.”27 To our knowledge, no contemporary
Ottoman author ever repeated these grave accusations, which could just as well
be enemy gossip without any real background. One may think that, if such
accusations would really have been spread within the Ottoman camp, they
would have been mentioned at the time of Arslan’s condemnation. Peçevi,
however, also blames the person, whom he presents as a hothead: “He was of a
reckless nature, doing things even a fool would not have ventured to do.”28
What should we think of this picture taken over by twentieth-century
historians?29 Let us bear in mind that Peçevi, who equally is writing after the
events, was sometimes sensitive to the Hungarian tradition. According to
Selaniki, first-hand witness, Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha’s opinion
about the Pasha was quite different: “He has been a soldier well-known for his
competence, a person who has fulfilled numerous tasks and numerous services
for the lofty [padishah]. This was not to be expected [of him].”30In order better
to understand, we have tried to evaluate his actions on the basis of the
documentation to be found in the mühimme defteris. What was he doing
according to what we learn from the orders sent by the Porte?
27 Nicolaus Isthvanfius, Historiarum de rebus ungaricis libri XXXIV. (henceforth Istvánffy)
Colonia Agrippina, 1622, 286. This is the portrait given by Miklós Zrínyi, the 1566 defender
of Szigetvár’s grandson; cf. Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 39.
28 Tarih-i Peçevî. İstanbul, 1283/1866; repr. İstanbul, 1980, I. 36.
‿ ās. s-Estates’;
Jensen, ‘Ungarische Urkunden’.
29 Römer, ‘One Some H
.
30 Selânikî Mustafa Efendi, Tarih-i Selânikî. Ed. by Mehmed İpşirli. İstanbul, 1989, I. 25.
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Both in his function as sancakbeyi of Semendire – whether temporarily acting
as beylerbeyi of Buda or not –, and as governor-general of Buda, he had first of all
to deal with administrative affairs and (especially) with maintaining public
order: fiscal questions and problems related to the granting of timars;31 controlling
and reprimanding officials who were guilty of having abused their office
concerning the reaya;32 the organisation of watching prisoners;33 suppressing
various crimes (counterfeiting,34 illegal slavery,35 beatings and injuries,36 theft37);
arresting criminals or evaded slaves;38 taking charge of deported persons;39
suppressing illegal exports (this was a question which, for obvious geographical
reasons, was relevant in Buda but not in Semendire).40
The sancakbeyi of Semendire naturally had military obligations: He had to be
ready for any demands on behalf of the beylerbeyi of Buda concerning the situation
at the frontier41 and he had to organise the defence of his circumscription.42
Arslan’s obligations in Buda during his interim period as well as after he had been
nominated for this post covered a larger area: It was no longer a matter of obeying
31 Vienna MD, Nos. 285, 281, 618 (fiscal consequences of the current survey); MD 5, Nos.
530 (forged berat), 842 (Arslan is allowed to take drastic measures against non-payment of
taxes within his has); Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Süleymāns an Vasallen, Nos. 41, 42, 45. Differences concerning the usufruct of mezraas are dealt with in two letters Arslan Pasha sent to
the kadı of Segedin (Szeged) in July and August 1565. Here, a Christian timariot and an emin
of a mültezim appear as rivals: For reasons difficult to determine – favoritism, corruption, administrative laissez-faire? – the pasha, having consulted the registers, comes to two opposing
conclusions; cf. Römer, ‘Zu widersprüchlichen Beurteilungen’.
32 Vienna MD, Nos. 270, 315; MD 6, Nos. 127, 875, 1148; MD 5, No. 382.
33 Vienna MD, Nos. 69, 257.
34 Vienna MD, No. 757.
35 MD 6, No. 1196.
36 MD 6, No. 527; MD 5, No. 283.
37 MD 6, No. 1129.
38 Vienna MD, No. 379; MD 6, Nos. 607, 851, 849.
39 Taking charge of an exiled person from Karaman and transferring him to Buda (Vienna
MD, No. 1012); arrival in Buda (MD 5, No. 156).
40 MD 5, Nos. 688, 842.
41 Vienna MD, Nos. 860, 863.
42 The document Vienna MD, No. 256 on constructing a fortification (parkan) and organising its guarding (karakolluk) dates from Arslan’s interim period in Buda, but concerns the
sancak of Semendire.
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THE LION THAT WAS ONLY A CAT
a superior’s orders, but he had to administrate the defence of the empire, mostly
in collaboration with the beylerbeyi of Temeşvar (Temesvár/Timişoara). He was
especially expected to find a satisfactory solution for the Transylvanian question,
Transylvania being a vassal state involved in a half-concealed and half-overt
conflict with the Habsburg forces.43 The problem had arisen at the end of the
summer and in the autumn of 156444 and saw a considerable amplification from
the summer of 1565 onward, when the frequency of the orders increases. Arslan
is asked to assist his colleague in Temeşvar to intervene,45 to look for the best
solutions without neglecting the defence of the Buda province,46 to be ready to
fight at any moment without, however, disturbing the efforts for peace whenever
the imperial forces would evacuate the territory of Transylvania as they had
promised.47 He is equally ordered to prepare trans-border raids (akın) whenever
necessary:48 This was meant to be a moderate measure of flexible retaliation,
which was not to form a casus belli. For this was a period when the Porte was in
favour of peace and displayed an attitude more defensive than aggressive along
the Hungarian border.49 At the same time, Arslan was to take the steps necessary
for gathering useful information about the enemy.50
43 Cf. Istvánffy, 272 ff (for a detailed account); Pál Fodor, ‘Who Should Obtain the Castle of
Pankota (1565)? Interest Groups and Self-promotion in the Mid-Sixteenth-Century Ottoman
Political Establishment’, Turcica 31 (1999) 72–73 (clear summary); Nicolas Vatin, Ferîdûn Bey.
Les plaisants secrets de la campagne de Szigetvár. Édition, traduction et commentaire des folios 1 à
147 du Nüzhetü-l-esrâri-l-ah‿ bâr der sefer-i Sigetvâr (ms. H 1339 de la Bibliothèque du Musée de
Topkapı Sarayı). Wien, Münster, 2010, 15 ff.
44 MD 6, Nos. 31, 263.
45 MD 6, Nos. 1358, 1367, 1381.
46 MD 6, Nos. 1367, 1389.
47 MD 5, Nos. 54, 99.
48 MD 6, No. 1367; MD 5, No. 493.
49 On this, see Claudia Römer and Nicolas Vatin, ‘The Hungarian Frontier and Süleyman’s
Way to Szigetvár according to Ottoman Sources’, in Pál Fodor (ed.), The Battle for Central Europe:
The Siege of Szigetvár and the Death of Süleyman the Magnificent and Nicholas Zrínyi (1566). Budapest, Leiden, Boston, 2019, 341–358. – Besides, the documentation of the mühimme defteris,
however precious it may be, can only give a partial idea of his agents’ activities, as not everything
was reported to the Porte. Thus, we are not in a position to interpret the mysterious and even
secret military dispositions initiated by Arslan, which are described by a spy in a letter of 6 September 1565, cf. Procházka-Eisl and Römer, Beamtenschreiben, No. 97.
50 MD 6, Nos. 147, 151, 158. The Vienna mühimme defteri contains a unique document
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The situation takes a different turn when winter approaches: From an order
of 19 November 1565, Arslan learns that a campaign has been decided – the
Szigetvár campaign.51 He still has to be ready to assist the beylerbeyi of
Temeşvar, the “king of Transylvania” (in Ottoman usage) or at the end of May
1566, the troops besieging Gyula.52 Arslan is also ordered to organise raids
into enemy territory whenever necessary.53 But especially, and more than ever,
the Porte expects him to gather intelligence on the enemy, ideally by taking
prisoners who are able to provide information.54 Lastly, he has to prepare for
the future conflict by taking measures of defence, by fortifying or abandoning
certain places55 and by dealing with the stocks of gunpowder and saltpetre and
with munition for the artillery.56
Finally, one of the most important missions of the governor of Buda is of a
diplomatic kind. Concerning the relations with the neighbouring powers, the
Porte attributed a special place to its representatives in the frontier provinces.57
This was most important during this ambiguous period of 1564–1566, which
was characterised by the frontier incidents connected to the status of
Transylvania, by the question of the renewal of the treaty after Ferdinand’s
death and Maximilian’s accession to the throne, and by the payment of the
tribute/present to the sultan by the Habsburg side. Thus, it was Arslan on
from the end of September 1563 asking Arslan, still at his post in Semendire, to get information on the movements along the border, which were reported by the beylerbeyi of Buda
(Vienna MD, No. 860). But this document is cancelled. So it is quite logical that Ottoman
intelligence was organised in Buda.
51 MD 5, No. 493.
52 MD 5, Nos. 949, 1470, 1713.
53 MD 5, Nos. 898, 1008, 1178, 1206.
54 MD 5, Nos. 898, 1125, 1178, 1206, 1420, 1874, 1875.
55 MD 5, Nos. 1410, 1584, 1643, 1684.
56 MD 5, Nos. 666, 687, 1205, 1658, 1665, 1874.
57 On diplomacy at the borders of the Porte, see Güneş Işıksel, La diplomatie ottomane sous
le règne de Selîm II: paramètres et périmètres de l’Empire ottoman dans le troisième quart du XVIe
siècle. Paris, Louvain, Bristol, 2016, 7–14; Nicolas Vatin, ‘Les instruments de la diplomatie de
Bayezid II (1481–1512)’, in Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. Comptes rendus des séances
de l’année 2013. II (avril–juin). Paris, 2013, 723–724; Nicolas Vatin, ‘Un exemple de relations
frontalières: l’Empire ottoman et l’Ordre de Saint-Jean-de-Jérusalem à Rhodes entre 1480 et
1522’, Archiv Orientální 69:2 (2001) 357–359.
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whom it was incumbent to inform the Porte of Ferdinand’s death.58 Later,
when he was beylerbeyi of Buda, he was entrusted with warning the Austrians
that if they were not going to withdraw from the Transylvanian territories the
Ottomans would attack.59 This menace was attenuated by the fact that it did
not emanate from the central government, but it was nevertheless an official
one to be taken seriously. A problem that was obviously important for the
relations between the Ottomans and the imperial side concerned prisoners
and their exchange.60 Numerous is the correspondence showing his activities
when dealing with Habsburg envoys and ambassadors who went to or came
back from Istanbul and on his treatment of men entrusted to him and
his care.61 Finally, letters are extant that he sent as a diplomat to the court in
Vienna.62
Of special interest in this correspondence is the tone adopted by Arslan,
presenting himself as a man of peace. In a letter to Maximilian of 25 June 1565,
he reminds Maximilian that their fathers – Ferdinand and Mehmed Pasha
respectively – had worked for peace and that now it was their, that is, the sons’
task to continue along these lines. Süleyman had nominated him precisely in
order to preserve the peace in the region and to this end, he tried to control his
men.63 Later, on 24 July, he repeated the same thing to Maximilian: He refused
to take any responsibility for hostile acts performed before his nomination in
Buda; if his predecessor had been successful in administrating his vilayet, he
himself would not have been nominated.64 Finally, in the letter to Hidayet,
where he was concerned about the delays of the Habsburgs in sending an
ambassador, he again insisted on this issue: Everybody knew about the efforts
for peace he had been making for a year.65
58 MD 5, No. 20; Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Süleymāns an Karl V, No. 30.
59 MD 5, No. 332.
60 MD 5, Nos. 476, 1104, 1697.
61 MD 5, No. 102; Vienna MD, No. 1396 (and Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Süleymāns
an Vasallen, No. 38); MD 6, Nos. 158, 286; MD 5, Nos. 64, 1294, 1559; Procházka-Eisl and
Römer, Beamtenschreiben, Nos. 64, 85, 93, 94, 98.
62 Procházka-Eisl and Römer, Beamtenschreiben, Nos. 64, 85, 93, 94, 98. Let us add a letter
sent to the Ottoman ambassador at Maximilian’s court, Hidayet: ibid., No. 99.
63 Procházka-Eisl and Römer, Beamtenschreiben, No. 85.
64 Ibid., No. 93.
65 Ibid., No. 99.
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How should we interpret these assertions? It would surely be erroneous to
understand that he followed a personal policy. As he said himself, he had been
appointed in order to follow precisely this policy, on the background of what
we said about the Porte wishing tranquillity at the Hungarian border. But had
İskender Pasha really proved unworthy to the point he makes us believe? One
may have one’s doubts about this. On the one hand, İskender was asked to stay
in order to function as an interim when his successor would be absent. On the
other hand, far from being badly treated by the sultan, he was appointed to
guard the capital the following year during the Szigetvár campaign. True, a
famous anecdote about the way he met Selim II arriving unexpectedly a few
days after his father’s passing away might suggest that the pasha lacked subtlety,
and even imagination.66 These were perhaps exactly the qualities expected of
the new holder of the post in Buda. Judging from the rapid summary that we
have given of his activities, he was expected to be able enthusiastically to show
his good will and a certain empathy with his Habsburg partners (this must
have been underlined by his reference to the family traditions), but also a
certain ability to be firm. As far as this latter point is concerned, Arslan’s past
glorious military activities in the region must have been enough proof.
According to Busbecq, he was regarded as a most accomplished brave man: “In
the country of Hungary, which is neighbouring ours, there was a sancakbeyi
named Arslan Bey, who was very famous for his strength. Nobody could
tension the bow better than he; nobody could make his sword penetrate deeper,
nor was anyone feared more by the enemy.”67 But his braveness was not his only
advantage. We have mentioned before that he was a man of the region,
he knew the places and the people and had gathered around himself a circle
of converted Hungarians.68 He could have spoken or at least understood
Hungarian. Arslan’s two predecessors, be it Zal Mahmud Pasha or İskender
Pasha, had already had a beautiful career when they arrived in Buda, and they
66 Cf. Nicolas Vatin and Gilles Veinstein, Le Sérail ébranlé. Essai sur les morts, dépositions et
avènements des sultans ottomans, XIVe–XIXe siècle. Paris, 2003, 131.
67 Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Omnia quae extant opera. Basel, 1740, repr. Graz, 1968, 186.
Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 39, refers to this passage, but subsequently does not mention the
outcome of this anecdote, which we will deal with below.
68 Incidentally, they may have betrayed him; cf. Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 40 ff.
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had held prestigious posts outside the Balkans and Central Europe, Arslan’s
promotion may thus seem extraordinary. But the situation was delicate for all
the reasons mentioned above, and Arslan must have seemed to be the right
man in the right place.
ARSLAN PASHA’S CRIME
Was his performance satisfactory? We have already cited what Grand Vizier
Sokollu Mehmed Pasha said in this respect; for the grand vizier, Arslan had
always behaved in a completely satisfactory manner, until the mistake that
eventually turned out to be fatal for him. It seems clear that in any case he was
believed to possess all the competences required due to his exceptional
knowledge of the region.
Thus, on 8 July 1565, the sultan wrote him about the best measures to take
in view of the menace of the enemy: “You are my capable kul, who perfectly
knows the best way to act concerning the enemy. My lofty trust is in your
abundant bravery and worthiness, as well as in your perfect sagacity and
perspicacity.”69 Some months later, a slight annoyance can be felt coming up:
Why, the sultan asks on 18 December 1565, has he not done anything in view
of the Austrian movements, nor provided the reinforcements that had been
ordered for the akıns of the bey of Solnok?70 And why, he asks him on 9 January
1566, and again so on 12 June, does he not provide any information?71
These reproaches, however, do not seem to have been very grave and their
tone does not appear to have been such that it would have worried Arslan.
Perhaps he wanted nonetheless to restore his reputation by erasing this image
of inactivity. It was no longer a time for negotiation, but for war. Was he expected
to engage in any initiatives? This was what he did in any case, by deciding to
start besieging an enemy fortress without having received an order to do so. This
is at least the official version given by Feridun Bey, right hand of the grand vizier:
69 MD 6, No. 1358. The same story in an order of the following day: her vech ile yarar kulumsın
(MD 6, No. 1367).
70 MD 5, No. 668.
71 MD 5, Nos. 766, 1875.
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“While this Arslan Pasha was mobilised with the troops of his beylerbeyilik,
he had the unfortunate idea and the absurd thought of marching against the
fort named Palota, one of the forts and fortresses along this border that
belonged to the cursed king, wishing to show his bravery and to make known
his capacity. He had had canons installed, and as he wanted to besiege the fort
and fight the unbelievers, the evil king had immediately been informed of this
event. He chose a certain number from the soldiers of the troops bearing the
sign of perdition, who were in his camp, and sent them [to Palota]. When they
had started fighting and Arslan Pasha ought to have shown the bravery
connected with his name,72 he had done quite the opposite: He had shown less
courage and brightness than a weak cat and his way of resistance – that is, his
way of fighting – had not carried out this intention. In short, he had been
unable to fight the despicable unbelievers who had marched against him and
he had chosen to flee like a fox. When this shameful news reached the sacred
ears of his excellency the padishah of the seven climates, who had decided to go
to the fort of Eger, he abandons this idea and issues another firman stipulating
to go to the fort of Szigetvár.”73
Feridun makes us feel it, Selaniki openly says that Arslan had behaved
“illegally and without order”.74 He probably was to blame: When our same
Arslan had informed the Porte of the bey of Bosnia’s apparent intention of
attacking the Austrian trenches next to the castle of Győr (Yanık), the sultan
answered by an order of 24 May 1566 that the bey should only ensure the
72 Arslan, that is, ‘lion’.
73 Feridun, Nüzhetü-l-esrâr, fol. 18r, in Vatin, Ferîdûn Bey, 164–165. Selaniki’s report, which
is more complete, is confirmed by the diplomatic correspondence of the Venetian representative
Contarini (from 20 June to 3 July): As Arslan had started to fire his cannons, Maximilian II had
sent quite massive troops as a reinforcement and the pasha had preferred to raise the siege and
to retreat, not without having seriously damaged the fort (G. Turba, Venetianische Depeschen
von Kaiserhof. Bd. III. Wien, 1895, 324). On the way back, Count Salm took some Ottoman
prisoners. He learned from them that Veszprém was defended by only 250 men: thus he easily
seized Veszprém (ibid., 326), then Tata, the defenders of which were massacred (Tarih-i Selânikî,
I. 25; Istvánffy, 286–287). On how the Ottoman operations were carried out (marching against
Eger, then abruptly turning towards Szigetvár), see Vatin, Ferîdûn Bey, 38–41.
74 Tarih-i Selânikî, I. 25.
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defence of his sancak and join the army.75 Arslan does not seem to have applied
this order to himself. However, if we have indeed not found in the documentation
an order urging Arslan to engage in the siege of Palota, the sultan was wellinformed about his action and apparently was not excessively moved by it. Far
from demanding a withdrawal, on 21 June 1566 he ordered the beylerbeyi of
Rumeli to take measures upon his arrival in Sirem (Szerémség/Srem) to send
Arslan some support.76 Therefore, it was not a grave crime in itself to take
initiatives, provided they were successful. But, as Feridun reports in the passage
cited above, this was not the case.
Moreover, the accusations of carelessness and unreasonable recklessness
brought forth by our two chroniclers are maybe unjust. The measures taken by
Arslan in the field seem to have been reasonable,77 but rightly or not, our
Ottoman authors attribute the responsibility for the changes Süleyman had to
make in the course of his campaign to him.78 Another reproach is made against
him, which is perhaps more important, but judging from what Selaniki tells us,
it was only an aggravating detail, for the decision to eliminate him had already
been taken when his military failure and its consequences became known: in
order to plead for his cause, Arslan abandoned the troops that he commanded.
Was this enough to justify capital punishment? Historians have asked
themselves this question. Although they have not concluded with any certainty
that some cabala had been the only cause of Arslan’s end, they have noted that
he had enemies. In his correspondence with the imperial side, he presented
himself as being exposed to the animosity of the “king of Transylvania”, of the
beylerbeyi of Temeşvar and of the bey of Solnok because of his pacifist policy.79
75 MD 5, No. 1715. Similarly, the answer to the bey of Szolnok, who planned to attack
Habsburg places to the north of Eger was: “The important thing is that one should start by
seizing Gyula” (MD 5, No. 1644, 19 May 1566).
76 MD 5, No. 1980.
77 Contarini’s account tells us that, contrary to Feridun who writes that Arslan was defeated,
he wisely preferred to withdraw when confronted with forces that were said to outnumber his
own troops.
78 On this point, it seems that one can agree with them; cf. Vatin, Ferîdûn Bey, 40–41.
79 Jensen, ‘Ungarische Urkunden’, 148 (who, in addition to the consequences of the failure
of Palota, also mentions the sultan’s anger because of the delay in building a bridge over the
‿ ās. s-Estates’
, 298.
Drava); Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 45–49; Römer, ‘One Some H
.
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But it is not certain that one should take these complaints literally. They could
just have been an argument used in negotiation with one’s interlocutors in
order to present oneself as a “good” Ottoman pacifist as opposed to a bellicose
party: Thus a role play which should not make us forget that Arslan applied
the policy of the Porte, which was indeed pacifist at that moment. The fact
remains that the relations between higher officers stationed in Hungary surely
were far from excellent, with personal and party interests strongly opposing
them to one another, especially concerning the bestowal of timars. The case of
attributing the fort of Pankota studied in detail by Pál Fodor is enlightening.
There, Arslan Pasha appears to belong to a clan around of the bey of Arad,
Mehmed (Kunović).80 Nevertheless, a letter sent on 30 May 1565 to the bey of
Arad by his kethüda at the Porte, Veli Kethüda, indicates that the hatred Arslan
felt for Mehmed of Arad was made known to the pasha (probably Grand
Vizier Semiz Ali Pasha).81 Equally, we will see that, according to Selaniki, the
sultan passed on to Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha Arslan Pasha’s
letters blaming him in an offensive way. Let us add that, in these outposts of the
empire where everything was allowed, such network intrigues with everybody
trying to gain importance by slandering others in the capital, were apparently
intensified by more violent hostile acts. Indeed, we know from a Hungarian
source that in May 1558 the sancakbeyi of Besperim (Veszprém) Mehmed Bey
and Veli Bey (who probably then was sancakbeyi of İstolni Belgrad) attacked
Arslan’s camp with their men who were disguised as Hungarians. They killed
four persons and wounded Arslan himself. Mehmed was dismissed and joined
Prince Bayezid’s entourage.82 Veli’s fate, on the other hand, has been made
known to us by Busbecq, who then was Ferdinand of Habsburg’s ambassador
in Istanbul: When interrogated at the divan, Veli held forth his enmity with
Arslan and its causes. He then explained that he had been wounded when
80 Fodor, ‘Who Should Obtain’, 74–75.
81 Procházka-Eisl and Römer, Beamtenschreiben, No. 72 (Petritsch, Regesten, 439), 145. Although the addressee of this copy is anonymous, the devletlü ve saadetlü sultanum hazretleri Veli
Kethüda addresses can only be his master.
82 On this affair, see Géza Dávid, ‘Ottoman Administrative Strategies in Western Hungary’,
in Colin Heywood and Colin Imber (eds.), Studies in Ottoman History in Honour of Professor
V. L. Ménage. Istanbul, 1994, 36; Idem,‘The Sancaq of Veszprém’, 168–169.
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being caught in an ambush by Arslan Bey – we must not forget that in reality
he seems to have been the author of the ambush. This, he said, would not have
happened if Arslan had accepted the duel he had suggested to him several
times. If we believe Busbecq83 – who tells the anecdote in order to explain the
prohibition of duelling in the Ottoman Empire – it was this last remark that
caused Veli’s downfall. He was imprisoned by order of the viziers who had
cried: “So you have dared to start a duel with your fellow soldier? Was there a
lack of Christians you could have fought with? Both of you are living off our
emperor’s bread. Therefore, you even less ought to plan deciding about your
lives. On the basis of which right? According to which model?”
What is intriguing with this reaction is that to say the least, the idea of
engaging in duel seems to be a guilt much more serious than the attack itself.
As for Arslan, he was not bothered by this affair. If, as Peçevi has it (and contrary
to the impression given by the archival documentation), he was a hothead, this
apparently was the case with everyone in these outposts of the empire where the
order of the central provinces was not established, but circumstances were semianarchic, a typical feature of the frontier zones. Thus, one may ask oneself if the
government in the capital attached any real importance to the dissent occurring
between their men along the frontier and to the gossip they spread about one
another. In any case, the sultan maintained until the last day his trust in Arslan
Pasha, his loyal and competent beylerbeyi of Buda.84
THE SULTAN AND HIS PASHAS
Perhaps it is suitable, therefore, to look at Arslan’s downfall from a different
perspective, by attributing less importance to his personality. Feridun, who in
83 Busbecq, Omnia quae extant, 186–187.
84 Römer, ‘Zu widersprüchlichen Beurteilungen’, 34, cautiously suggests that the original
documents concerning Arslan in the manuscript ÖNB A.F. 30, which she has published in her
two articles, may have formed part of a file against Arslan. But as she says herself, there is no
proof for this. In any case, on the basis of the documents from the mühimme defteris and, as will
become clear below, Selaniki’s report, the governor apparently was rather esteemed at the court
until the unfortunate affair of the siege of Palota.
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his chronicle tries to give an official version of the events, offers a brief account
of the last moments of the unfortunate Arslan.85 This account underlines the
sultan’s and his grand vizier’s high moral level as they acted like statesmen who
are not troubled by personal sentiments. Upon learning about Arslan’s failure
and flight, Süleyman gives the following order to Sokollu Mehmed: “When
Arslan Pasha has arrived and is in your presence, you shall offer him neither
salvation nor escape and you shall punish him by having him executed.” Indeed,
without allowing him to express himself, the grand vizier, “conqueror of lions”,
says to him, “Why have you committed this treason and why have you come,
thereby abandoning the troops? His excellency the padishah has given order
that you should be executed.” The miserable man is immediately turned over to
the çavuşes who make him kneel down in front of the tent and he is executed
on the spot by the executioner. What follows is an elucidating comment:
“Practising this execution and the rumour of this awe-inspiring majesty served
as an example and a lesson for the victorious soldiers and instigated their
enthusiasm and zeal, so that this was a sufficient order and sign for everyone to
make an effort and accomplish praiseworthy actions.” Here we witness the tone
of raison d’état, which requires an exemplary punishment in the proper sense:
The success of the campaign and the sultan’s glory, which depend on the bravery
and fidelity of people, count more than one individual life.
In other words, the execution of the beylerbeyi of Buda is an act of justice
(adalet) which is the first characteristic of a good sovereign. “Beau ou laid, le
massacre des prisonniers est un acte de puissance souveraine”, writes Benjamin
Lellouch about Selim I’s extermination of the Kizilbash and of Mamluk prisoners.
Therefore, “le massacre est aussi un acte de justice, exactement au même titre que
son contraire, la clémence envers la population des villes”.86 Similarly, Süleyman’s
exemplary death penalty (ibret) for his kul is an act of justice. According to Mehmet
Şakır Yılmaz, this is at least the sovereign’s concept of justice proposed by
Celalzade.87 One may suppose that it corresponds to Süleyman’s vision of himself,
85 Feridun, Nüzhetü-l-ah‿ bâr, fols. 19v–20r, in Vatin, Ferîdûn Bey, 170–173.
86 Benjamin Lellouche, ‘Puissance et justice retenue du sultan ottoman. Les massacres sur
les fronts iranien et égyptien (1514–1517)’, in David El Kenz (ed.), Le massacre, objet d’histoire.
Paris, 2005, 171–182, particularly 180.
87 Mehmet Şakır Yılmaz, ‘Crime and Punishment in the Imperial Historiography of Süleyman
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whose close collaborator Celalzade was: His exceptional essence bestows ex officio
onto the sultan alone the right and the duty to administer the death penalty on the
basis of a law that must not be against the sharia, but must emanate from him
(siyaset). Thus, he will be able to ensure the order of the world, and therefore the
protection of the reaya. This is done by punishing abuse committed by the
representatives of authority, but also by taking preventive measures, even punishing
culprits who have not yet committed a crime. If we take this concept literally, it is
not important whether Arslan’s condemnation was fair or not; it was just.
One might try to see things a bit more clearly by looking at the principal
affairs characterised by Süleyman’s siyaset on the basis of Hammer’s account of
his reign.88 First, it appears that a failure or inadequacy vis-à-vis the enemy did
not in itself constitute a sufficient reason justifying capital punishment. In
1522, Ayas Pasha was pardoned at Rhodes (it was actually recognised that he
was not guilty); in 1528, the beys of Anatolia who had fled from Tokat and for
whom the executioner had already been called were nevertheless pardoned.89
The case of Piri Reis is also mentioned by Hammer.90 However, more than
accusing him for being responsible for the defeat, one could have accused him
of having abandoned his navy at Suez in order to go and justify himself in
Cairo. This attitude very well reminds us of Arslan’s own attitude and could
have been judged more severely. On the contrary, as Hammer notes, Seydi Ali
Reis, who had equally lost his fleet in the Indian Ocean, was not troubled.
Hayreddin Barbarossa Pasha himself was not received badly upon his return
to Istanbul after the disaster witnessed at Tunis, which he had captured on his
own91 and which then by his fault was conquered by Charles V. Treason,92
the Magnificent: An Evaluation of Nişancı Celâlzâde’s View’, Acta Orientalia Acadamiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 60:4 (2007) 427–445.
88 Incidentally, one can see that, for the period covered by Celalzade’s chronicle, he has largely
based himself on it.
89 Joseph de Hammer, Histoire de l’Empire ottoman. Trad. J. J. Hellert. Paris, 1836, repr. Istanbul, 1996, V. 17, 48.
90 Hammer, Histoire, Paris, 1836, repr. Istanbul, 1999, VI. 97.
91 On this subject, see Nicolas Vatin, ‘Sur les objectifs de la première campagne navale menée
par Hayreddîn Barberousse pour le compte de Soliman le Magnifique (1534)’, Archivum Ottomanicum (2018) 173–191.
92 Hammer, Histoire, VI. 67.
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however, and especially unjustified actions of oppression and plundering were
pitilessly punished.93 We know that this sovereign vision of justice legitimized
even the execution of a son who was suspected of aspiring to the throne. This
was an unpardonable lese-majesty that was even worse as it would have toppled
the order of the world.
Was this supra-human concept of justice universally accepted by the sultans’
servants and subjects? It is not absolutely certain. Ought it to be applied to
Arslan? One must not doubt this according to Feridun. But admitting that
siyaset was a right and a duty inherent to the sovereign’s exceptional nature
implied admitting all his judgements naturally to be marked by the seal of
justice, whatever they were. He who doubted them was like Moses protesting
against Hızır’s apparent injustice.94 However, the Arslan affair itself illustrates
a certain malaise felt by Süleyman’s servants.
Feridun indeed presents himself as a spokesman of cold justice. On the
other hand, Selaniki gives us a different feeling. This does not mean that his
account contradicts Feridun’s as far as the order of events is concerned. But he
gives it quite a different atmosphere and adds some more information that
attracts our attention. Actually, there is ample reason to take his version
seriously. Not only does he belong to the circle around Grand Vizier Sokollu
Mehmed Pasha, but he presents himself in this case as an eyewitness, who was
present during the scene he describes. First, we learn that Süleyman’s anger at
the beginning was directed against his grand vizier, whom he held responsible
and perhaps thought to be an accomplice of Arslan’s errors. This corroborates
the idea that his downfall was not prepared beforehand by his enemies at the
court: “How” he asks, “were the actions you have engaged in with the beylerbeyi
of Buda decided upon and prepared?”95 The answer attributed to Sokollu
Mehmed seems even truer as it corresponds to what we have learned from the
documents of the mühimme defteris: “My fortunate padishah, several times
I sent letters and trustworthy men with lofty orders to Arslan Pasha. And as I
told him, ‘his excellency the fortunate padishah, the refuge of the world has
arrived at the borders of the empires, but until now you have not given any
93
94
95
Hammer, Histoire, V. 5, 31, 32, 50; VI. 116.
Quran 18: 65–82.
Tarih-i Selânikî, I. 25.
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news nor shown any action’, no news [from him] came as an answer. He is a
soldier well-reputed for a long time for his competences, a person who has
accomplished numerous tasks and numerous services on behalf of the high
[padishah]. One would not have expected this [of him]. The firman belongs to
my padishah.”96
This firman is irrevocable: “Fifteen suitable kapucı and the chief çavuş
Burunsuz together with fifteen çavuşes shall go and cut off his head and bring
[it] to me.” Then, when Arslan’s kapu kethüdası brings the news that the latter
is arriving at full speed, the sultan confirms the condemnation, bringing forth
a new grave fault of Arslan’s – abandoning the troops: “When he presents
himself in front of your tent, immediately call the executioner and make him
cut his head off.” However, far from obeying silently, the grand vizier discusses
the order he had received:97 “With your lofty ferman, let us advance and stop
somewhere tomorrow and then deign to convene a divan. He is a beylerbeyi; let
your lofty order be carried out in the divan.” Actually, by the way of this hint,
he utters here a frontal contradiction to what his master said. Condemning
Arslan in the divan, in the presence of the kadıaskers, means condemning him
in the name of the sharia, not of the siyaset. Thus, its being well-founded is
implicitly contested. Another argument is brought forth: Arslan Pasha is not
just anybody, but a beylerbeyi whom it seems delicate to have executed
summarily. It is a question of prestige: Here, it is a high-ranking kul talking
with solidarity towards his peers. As such, he was probably reluctant to use
siyaset in too systematic, even too excessive a way. In any case, he would probably
have preferred not to be its instrument and thus be in an uncomfortable
position vis-à-vis his comrades. The sultan insists however, not without
communicating to his vizier documents able to dissociate him from the convict.
The die is cast. Upon arrival, Arslan suffers a violent outburst from the grand
96 Ibid.
97 Tarih-i Selânikî, I. 26. Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 47–49 is suggesting quite a different interpretation of the grand vizier’s attitude. According to her, he comes in between Arslan and
the sultan, probably because he fears what the pasha would say against him and in order to be
able to install his nephew Mustafa. However, it seems difficult to us to conclude this from Selaniki’s report, which she bases herself on and which probably is also Danışman’s source which
she refers to as well.
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CLAUDIA RÖMER – NICOLAS VATIN
vizier, without being able to express himself. The grand vizier reminds him of
his faults and announces him his condemnation: “What news? Why have you
come? To whom have you entrusted the troops? What do you have to say? His
excellency the fortunate padishah, the refuge of the world has gracefully
entrusted you with a beylerbeyilik. Woe on your name, oh you are not even a
fox! His excellency the padishah has ordered your execution. By your failure in
judgement you have drawn the unbelievers’ attention to the forts of the
Muslims, oh you wretch!”98
We find here, in a different literary style, Feridun’s version, but elucidated by
what precedes it. It shows the tensions Feridun, on the contrary, endeavours to
hide. The subsequent story of Selaniki confirms this impression.99 It is the
apprentice Tur Ali who beheads the convict, because the executioner Kasım
cannot be found. One is tempted to ask oneself if the latter has not on purpose
avoided carrying out an execution that made him feel uncomfortable.100 The
men that are present, far from expressing their reproach against the guilty
commander, show compassion with the convict. While the grand vizier is more
violently than sincerely aggressive, shouting, “Just finish off this unsavoury
person”, one of the men present directs appeasing words to the Muslim who is
going to die: “Your excellency pasha, this world is not constant. There is nothing
you have not seen. Turn towards the hereafter, repenting and proclaiming
God’s unity.” As for Selaniki himself, he thinks about earthly sufferance, saying
to the executioner: “Master, for the sake of the sword you have brought, liberate
him quickly and hold fast [your] little finger!”
Surely, no one among the soldiers and officers of the Ottoman camp denies
Arslan’s mistakes, but the impression one gets from Selaniki’s story is that all ask
themselves secretly whether such a severe condemnation was well-founded.101
However, the question does not only arise in connection with Arslan. During the
98 Tarih-i Selânikî, I. 26.
99
Ibid., 26–27.
100 One may think of the executioner’s reaction when he was supposed to execute Sultan
İbrahim; cf. Vatin and Veinstein, Le Sérail ébranlé, 247. True, the execution of a sultan could
horrify people, even if he had been deposed. Death penalty, however, was admittedly a risk of
the profession of a pasha.
101 Sokollu Mustafa Pasha, his own successor, wrote in 1567 that Arslan had been executed
“for nothing”. Cf. Altaylı, ‘Budin Beylerbeyi’, 49.
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THE LION THAT WAS ONLY A CAT
same Szigetvár campaign, the kapucıbaşı Ali Ağa was condemned to the death
penalty just as quickly by the sultan who was furious because Ali had moved the
imperial tent one day in advance. The order comprised two words, “Bring his
head!” The unfortunate man owed his life to the grand vizier, who defended him
against the sultan, humbly acknowledging, however, that he had merited the
siyaset. The sultan deigned to change his mind.102
Although their outcome is different, these affairs are very similar to one
another. Feridun’s silence about the case of Ali Ağa is easily explained: This
time, the siyaset had been efficiently contested. But this was not compatible
with a report on the glory of the sultan, the grand vizier, and the Ottoman
state. However this may be, one has to state that Arslan’s execution had its
cause perhaps less in Arslan himself than in Süleyman. The latter in spite of
being sick, had headed the Szigetvár campaign precisely to show his subjects
and the world that he still strongly held the reins of the empire.103 He not only
forced himself in spite of his suffering to show himself on horseback during the
stops: Although the conduct of operations was largely delegated to his able
grand vizier, he strove to control the situation.104 The way he condemned the
officers whom he thought to be incapable or criminal in a spectacular way, thus
manifesting his supreme justice of the Shadow of God on earth, certainly
contributed to spread this message, at least in his mind.
Did he still possess the necessary lucidity? It seems that Sokollu Mehmed
Pasha had secretly doubted it. Hammer,105 from the historian’s distance, but also
with the prejudices of a man of a different time, thought that Süleyman had been
heavy-handed during all his reign, even if “most of the numerous executions that
102 Tarih-i Selânikî, I. 22. Two remarks can be made concerning this affair: 1. the unfortunate Ali Ağa’s mistake seems rather venial and the sick sultan’s anger excessive; 2. the defense
presented by Sokollu Mehmed is based on the idea that eventually the culprit’s actions are
beneficial, even if he did not know it. In other words, good luck is a virtue. But Arslan had been
abandoned by good luck.
103 Cf. Vatin, Feridun Bey, 19–20.
104 Cf. Ibid., 178: note 413. Incidentally, Feridun reports (fol. 36v) that Süleyman, although
staying at a certain distance from the besieged fortress of Szigetvár, had his agents there who
informed him secretly about the operations and the conduct of the grand vizier: Vatin, Feridun
Bey, 222.
105 Hammer, Histoire, VI. 147.
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CLAUDIA RÖMER – NICOLAS VATIN
took place during his reign can be considered as measures of severity necessary
to maintain public order”. Concerning his last weeks, he is more severe, describing
him as being “in the grip of irritations of sickly old age”.106 This is rather probable,
but it is no contradiction to our previous considerations about the political
calculations in 1566 and the immanent justice of the sultan.
conclusions
Considering everything together, Arslan probably owes his notoriety to bad
luck only. Neither lion, nor cat, nor fox, he was a brilliant officer. He had lived
the life and had had the career, the customs, and the ambitions of his peers the
beys and pashas along the northern frontier of the empire of Süleyman the
Magnificent. His brutal end was provoked by his excessive self-confidence and
by a failure the consequences of which could have been serious. But it is
probably explicable more by the context than by faults that were surely worthy
of reproach, but did perhaps not justify such severity.
His destiny is interesting not only because of the concrete image it gives us
about a mid-sixteenth-century sancakbeyi or beylerbeyi at the frontier. It is also
interesting because it reveals the tensions which the official discourse of someone
like Celalzade or Feridun tries to hide. Surely the sovereign’s justice is a dogma
essential for the order of the world and for the balance of the empire. However,
it is silently criticised by those whom it is directed at and who discretely and
subtly counter the master’s decision with a sentiment of solidarity, which was
probably not less essential for the functioning of the empire.
106
Ibid., 116.
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THE DEMISE OF THE PASHA:
SOME REMARKS ON THE DEATH OF
HADIM ALİ PASHA,
GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF BUDA
Feridun M. Emecen
İstanbul 29 Mayıs University
femecen@29mayis.edu.tr
Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq (1522–1592) could hardly have guessed that his
travelogue entry on Ali Pasha’s death, claiming that the pasha of Buda (Budin)
had passed away in a twist of grief shortly after being severely defeated at
Szigetvár in 1556, would so greatly influence modern studies of the subject.
The majority of modern researchers have copied Busbecq’s expressions
regarding Ali Pasha’s final days into their work without reservation. This view
was eventually contested by Markus Köhbach in a footnote referring to Hazim
Šabanović,1 by the author of the present study,2 and by Géza Dávid in a short
yet substantial encyclopaedia article.3 Ottoman historiography, however, has
hitherto lacked a detailed description of Hadım Ali’s activities in Hungary and
of his later tasks in the empire. The present study, stirred partly by the fact that
1 Hazim Šabanović, ‘Bosanski namjesnik Ferhad-beg Vuković-Desisalić’, Zbornik Filozofskog
Fakulteta u Beogradu 4 (1957) 124, quoted by Markus Köhbach, Die Eroberung von Fülek durch
die Osmanen 1554. Eine historisch-quellenkritische Studie zur osmanischen Expansion im östlichen
Mitteleuropa. Wien, 1994, 46–47: note 45.
2 Feridun Emecen, ‘Hadım Ali Paşa’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 15.
İstanbul, 1997, 4–5.
3 Géza Dávid, ‘Khādım cAlī Pasha’, in The Encylopaedia of Islam. Three. Leiden, 2010, II.
51–52.
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FERIDUN M. EMECEN
this pasha of Buda is an important character of a widely-read and muchappreciated Hungarian novel,4 seeks to shed new light on his ventures while in
office in Buda and during his last years.
CAREER
A brief look at Hadım Ali’s early career would be helpful. Later historical
sources claim that he was raised in the imperial harem at the white eunuchs’
koğuş, indicating that he was of Albanian ethnic origin.5 His recruitment into
the imperial palace is not recounted by any historical testimony. Similarly, there
is nothing about the tasks Hadım Ali assumed during his years in the harem.
Neither do we know the rank and office with which he left the palace. Gelibolulu
Mustafa Âli merely writes that he became a provincial governor after he had
served as the Rumeli kethüdası, and provides no further details regarding his
change of office.6 Until his appointment as pasha of Buda in 1551, Hadım Ali
only appears sporadically in historical sources, holding various governorgeneralships in the empire. There is no record of whether he served as a district
governor before he was elevated to the rank of pasha.7 Despite the lack of
4 Géza Gárdonyi’s historical novel on the military clashes along the Hungarian frontier in
1552 has been translated into Turkish: Géza Gárdonyi, Egri csillagok: Eğri Yıldızları. Trans. by
Erdal Şalikoğlu. İstanbul, 2013.
5 Tayyip Gökbilgin identifies him as an Albanian from Ioannina: Tayyip Gökbilgin, ‘Ali Paşa,
Hadım’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 1. İstanbul, 1988, 332. Busbecq, on the
other hand, refers to Hadım Ali as being from Epirus. See Ogiler Ghislain de Busbecq, Türk Mektupları. Transl. by H. Cahit Yalçın. İstanbul, 1939, 156. Nicolae Iorga merely calls him an Albanian,
see Nicolae Iorga, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi. Trans. by N. Epçeli. Ed. by K. Beydilli. İstanbul,
2005, III. 45. The pious foundations Hadım Ali left in Berat (Arnavutluk Belgradı) strongly attest
to his country of origin. Cf. Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (henceforth TSMA), E. 7740.
6 Gelibolulu Mustafa Âlî, Künhü’l-Ahbâr. Vol. 1. Dördüncü Rükn. Osmanlı Tarihi. Tıpkıbasım. Ankara, 2009, 366r. Gelibolulu Âli’s statements are reproduced by İbrahim Peçevi,
Tarih-i Peçevi. İstanbul, 1283/1866, I. 36.
7 According to the 1994 status report of the CİEPO Himayesi Altında Yürütülen Osmanlı Prozopografisi Üzerine Araştırma Programı under the coordination of Jean-Louis Bacqué-Grammont,
Hadım Ali first held the district of Bitlis and was then promoted to the governor-generalship of
Dulkadır. There is no evidence, however, to link this piece of information with Hadım Ali himself.
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THE DEMISE OF HADIM ALİ PASHA
knowledge about his early career, we can propose with some confidence that
Hadım Ali first became governor-general of Diyarbekir. The circumstances
under which he obtained the office are unclear. We only know that during his
tenure he went to Erzurum in order to provide military assistance to Musa
Pasha, governor-general of Erzurum, who was engaged in a struggle along the
frontier. There, he launched a number of raids into the Georgian Atabeyler
territory.8 The assertion that after his governorship in Diyarbekir, Hadım Ali
briefly assumed the office at Erzurum and was restored to his former
administrative position in Diyarbekir cannot be confirmed.9 There is firm
evidence, however, that Hadım Ali moved from Diyarbekir to the governorgeneralship of Anatolia precisely on 20 December 1544.10 In the same years
another Ali held the office in Erzurum.11
His promotion to the governor-generalship of Anatolia coincided with
Süleyman the Magnificent’s growing concern with the eastern frontiers of the
empire, causing the sultan to halt military operations in the west in 1548.
Ottoman chronicles relate that at this time, Hadım Ali was held responsible
for the lack of discipline displayed by his troops when they pillaged the
countryside in Muş in the initial phase of the campaign and for the failure to
repel the Safavid incursions into the Erzincan–Bayburt region. He was
therefore dismissed from office and transferred to Bosnia (February 1549).12
8 Celalzade Mustafa only briefly mentions these political and military events around
1542–1543: Petra Kappert (Hrsg.), Geschichte Sultan Süleymān K. ānūnīs von 1520 bis 1557
oder T. abak. āt ül-Memālik ve Derecāt ül-Mesālik von Celālzāde Mus. t. afā genannt K. oca
Nişāncı. Wiesbaden, 1981, 402r. Gelibolulu Mustafa Âli openly cites Ali Pasha by name, see
Künhü’l-Ahbar, 320r.
9 Dündar Aydın claims that Hadım Ali held the office in Erzurum in 1541, before Musa
Pasha, and adds that in the historical records of 1545–1548, he came across a certain Ali Pasha serving as a governor-general. Dündar Aydın, Erzurum Beylerbeyliği ve Teşkilatı. Kuruluş ve
Genişleme Devri (1535–1566). Ankara, 1998, 93–95. This governor-general in Erzurum is not
Hadım Ali Pasha, however; see note 11 below.
10 Halil Sahillioğlu, Topkapı Sarayı Arşivi H. 951–952 Tarihli ve E-12321 Numaralı
Mühimme Defteri. İstanbul, 2002, 33: No. 41; see also 372–373.
11 Ibid., 157, 195.
12 ...Vilâyet-i Anadolu beylerbeyisi Ali Paşa’ya dahi beylerbeyilik etmeğe acizsin deyü livâ-i Bosna
verilüp…; Anonymous, Tevârih-i Âl-i Osman [Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi (henceforth TSMK), Revan, 1099]. Ed by Mustafa Karazeybek. MA Thesis, İstanbul University,
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FERIDUN M. EMECEN
In fact, he was appointed to the sancak of Hersek (Herzegovina) rather than to
Bosnia, but moved to Bosnia around May 1550.13 In making this appointment,
the Ottoman central administration may have aimed to place the BosnianHerzegovinian frontier under the guard of a governor with military capabilities.
Bosnia was still a sancak at the time of Hadım Ali’s arrival, but its status was
effectively elevated by his appointment, since he was a former beylerbeyi.
Historical sources are silent about his days in Bosnia. On 17 May 1551, after
a period of nearly two years in Herzegovina and Bosnia, he was appointed the
beylerbeyi of Buda in place of Kasım Pasha.14
THE PASHA OF BUDA
We have seen that Hadım Ali’s early career in the Ottoman political system
included the holding of several governor-generalships during the 1540s. It is
not an overstatement to say that his appointment to Buda in 1551 marked a
watershed in his career. In contrast with the scanty information on his initiatives
before 1551, there are quite comprehensive descriptions of Hadım Ali’s
political and military enterprises following his inauguration in Buda. During
his first term of office there (May 1551 to February 1553), he was evidently
involved in a fierce political and military confrontation along the Hungarian
border. Soon after Hadım Ali took over the government of Buda, he developed
a strategy of occupying the military outposts enveloping the Ottoman province.
He seems to have taken the leading role in planning a bellicose policy towards
1994, 434 (in original text fol. 194r). Matrakçı Nasuh justifies Hadım Ali’s change of offices as:
Ali Paşa-yı dindâr sinn-i kümûletden mütecâviz olup beylerbeylik hizmetinden âciz olmağın mezkûra Bosna sancağı…; see Ahmet Tokluca, Matrakçı Nasuh’un Süleymannamesi (Beşinci Bölüm/
Arkeoloji Müzeleri Ktp. Nr. 379, fols. 96r–185v). MA Thesis, Marmara University, İstanbul,
2010, 10–11, 25.
13 …Mora geri Bosna beyi Osmanşah’a, Bosna sancağı Hersek sancağı beyi emirü’l-ümerai’lkiram Ali Paşa-yı şir intikama…; Tokluca, Matrakçı Nasuh’un, 85.
14 Hadım Ali was appointed to Buda with an annual revenue of 800,000 akçes. İstanbul,
Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (henceforth BOA), Bâb-ı Âsâfî, Ruus Kalemi (henceforth A.RSK)
1452, 28. The sancak of Bosnia was granted to Mehmed Pasha on 23 Rebiülahir 958/30 April
1551 upon his return from the pilgrimage: Tokluca, Matrakçı Nasuh’un, 96.
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THE DEMISE OF HADIM ALİ PASHA
Hungarian territory. This was aimed at extending the borders of the province
so as to secure the town of Buda. At the time, the Ottoman central government
was deeply entangled in the military problems in the east. An Ottoman frontier
commander, by drawing upon his individual fund of experience, was generally
able to make critical decisions regarding small-scale armed conflicts along the
border, unless they escalated to open war. He doubtlessly corresponded with
the imperial capital during such operations, but by manipulating the flow of
intelligence from periphery to the centre, he was in a good position to influence
the decision-makers in Constantinople. Hadım Ali’s activity during his two
terms of office in Buda (1551–1553 and 1556–1557) serves as a typical
example of this phenomenon. The many letters he dispatched to both the
imperial capital and the local commanders in the Hungarian fortresses during
this time display a vigorous engagement in policy-making along the Ottoman–
Habsburg frontier. Hadım Ali’s career as the pasha of Buda undoubtedly
demands a detailed monograph.15 Here, I will only outline his political and
military activities in Buda in respect of their relevance to the issue of his death.
In February 1552, Ali Pasha made a spectacular entry into the Central
European theatre when he relieved the Ottoman fortress of Segedin (Szeged) by
15 I aimed to write such a monograph quite a long time ago. From the 1990s onwards,
I collected the Ottoman documents and examined Hungarian historical sources and Habsburg
archival documents regarding Hadım Ali thanks to the benevolent assistance of my Hungarian
colleagues János Hóvári, Pál Fodor, and Sándor Papp. These colleagues also undertook the burden of translating several articles in Hungarian for me. I truly owe a belated debt of gratitude
to each of them. The documents held in the mühimme registers pertaining to the first term
of Hadım Ali’s office in Buda was later published, see Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor, „Az ország
ügye mindenek előtt való”. A szultáni tanács Magyarországra vonatkozó rendeletei (1544–1545,
1552). / „Affairs of State Are Supreme”. The Orders of the Ottoman Imperial Council Pertaining to
Hungary (1544–1545, 1552). (História könyvtár. Okmánytárak, 1.) Budapest, 2005. Previous
literature on Hadım Ali’s administrative activities in Buda places a special emphasis on the
events of 1552 and includes a number of scholarly works in Hungarian. However, these works
largely neglect the Ottoman archival and narrative sources. For an example, see Imre Szántó,
‘Ali budai pasa hadjárata 1552 nyarán a Hont-Nógrád megyei várak ellen’, Történelmi Szemle
1 (1977) 31–52; Idem, Küzdelem a török terjeszkedés ellen Magyarországon. Az 1551–52. évi
várháborúk. Budapest, 1985. For a compilation regarding Hadım Ali’s siege of Szigetvár, see
also Péter Kasza (compil.), Remembering a Forgotten Siege: Szigetvár, 1556 / Egy elfeledett ostrom
emlékezete: Szigetvár, 1556. Ed. by Pál Fodor. Budapest, 2016. The articles in the book have
little to say about the role of Hadım Ali in the military operations.
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FERIDUN M. EMECEN
repelling the besieging German and Hungarian forces commanded by Mihály
Tóth. In his report on his encounter with the enemy forces, Hadım Ali related
that upon the receiving the warning, he moved promptly at the head of a
2000-strong force and was later reinforced by the contingents of the beys of
Estergon (Esztergom), Novigrad (Nógrád), Hatvan, and Şimontorna
(Simontornya). The Ottoman army under his command, he continued, gained a
great victory over the enemy forces.16 Despite the decisive Ottoman success, Ali
Pasha most probably complained about the lack of military support he received
from the other Ottoman frontier beys. In return, the Ottoman imperial council
issued a somewhat harshly-worded decree placing the beys of İzvornik (Zvornik),
Semendire (Smederevo), Sirem (Szerém/Srem), Vidin, Alacahisar (Kruševac)
and Vulçıtrın (Vučitrn) under Ali Pasha’s supreme authority. Hadım Ali seems
to have been intent on increasing the administrative influence and military
capacity of Buda, the second-ranking Ottoman province in Europe at the time.
He aimed to bring the beys in the vicinity under his command and even to draw
into his sphere of influence several sancaks supposedly assigned to the pasha of
Rumelia. Hadım Ali seems eventually to have successfully remodelled the
province of Buda so that its military capabilities became comparable to those of
the province of Erzurum, which served as a military base for operations against
the Safavids on the empire’s eastern frontier. Ali Pasha was now visibly comparable
in rank with the governor-general of Rumelia. He even received an imperial
decree informing him that the pasha of Rumelia was instructed to offer him help
and support as soon as possible.17
Following his military achievement at Szeged, Hadım Ali, now in the
command of a strengthened province, advanced on Veszprém and took the
fortress in April 1552. In an effort to relieve the Ottoman forces besieging the
fortress of Temesvár under the command of the second vizier Ahmed Pasha, he
captured the strategically important Drégely and occupied – in cooperation with
16 TSMA E. 1098. The imperial council, upon receiving Hadım Ali’s report, seems to have
issued orders in line with his requests: TSMK K. 888, fols. 108v, 115v; for these orders see
Dávid and Fodor, „Az ország ügye mindenek előtt való”, 307–309.
17 …Rumeli beylerbeyisine dahi hükm-i hümayunum irsal olunub, şöyle ki senün tarafından bir
maslahat düşüb varmak lazım gelse muaccelen varub erişmek emrüm olmışdur…; TSMK K. 888,
fols. 110v–111r; Dávid and Fodor, „Az ország ügye mindenek előtt való”, 311–313.
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Yahyapaşazade Arslan Bey – the castles of Ság, Gyarmat, Szécsény, Salgó,
Hollókő and Buják. These latest invasions incorporated some territories of Upper
Hungary (present-day Slovakia) into the Ottoman Empire. Hadım Ali’s most
striking accomplishment at the time, however, was in crushing the Hungarian
and German/Italian forces commanded by Erasmus Teuffel of Gundersdorf and
Sforza Pallavicini at Palást on 9 August 1552. Pallavicini and Teuffel fell prisoner
to Hadım Ali and were dispatched to Constantinople along with 4,000 other
captives.18 The Habsburg decision-makers had attempted to hinder the armies
under the command of Ali Pasha and Ahmed Pasha from uniting, but the
campaign ended in complete disaster and in serious distress at the Habsburg
court.19 After his victory at Palást, Hadım Ali did indeed join forces with the
second vizier Ahmed Pasha for the siege of Szolnok. From there, to the great fear
of the Habsburgs, the Ottoman army marched on Eger (Eğri).20 The wellfortified castle of Eger proved to be a pesky obstacle for the impatient Ottoman
troops, who had reckoned on a quick surrender by the defending garrison. After
forty days, Ahmed Pasha lifted the siege and held Hadım Ali responsible for the
Ottoman failure. Ahmed Pasha was of the opinion that Hadım Ali had
manipulated the entire military operation for his personal interests.21 In the
18 TSMK K. 888, fol. 415rv; Dávid and Fodor, „Az ország ügye mindenek előtt való”, 613–617.
19 Some Ottoman chroniclers compare this victory with the Battle of Mohács, but leave it to
Hungarian sources to make a detailed description of the battle. For the description of the battle
in a Hungarian chronicle, see Ferenc Forgách, Emlékirat Magyarország állapotáról Ferdinánd,
János, Miksa királysága és II. János erdélyi fejedelemsége alatt. Transl. by István Borzsák, in Péter
Kulcsár and Margit Kulcsár (eds.), Humanista történetírók. Budapest, 1977, 608–620; see also
Szántó, Küzdelem a török terjeszkedés ellen, 143–152.
20 For the causes of the attack on Eger, see Pál Fodor, The Unbearable Weight of Empire: The
Ottomans in Central Europe – A Failed Attempt at Universal Monarchy (1390–1566). Budapest,
20162, 115–119.
21 Hocazade Mehmed Efendi offers a perspective on Hadım Ali’s ambitions during the siege
of Eger. According to him, Hadım Ali urged Ahmed Pasha to continue the military operations,
saying that a withdrawal of forces that are ready to fight and equipped with ample war materials
would not befit the dignity of the state and the sultan, especially when the Ottoman army was
so close to capturing a fortress such as Eger. The beylerbeyi of Rumelia, Sokullu Mehmed Pasha,
however, maintained that the fortress of Eger was a formidable target and it was already too late
in the season to keep the army in enemy territory. Hadım Ali, in Hocazade Mehmed’s account,
because he was persistent in his affairs, affirmed with a menacing tone that he would launch
the siege on his own and thus expose those who failed to accomplish their responsibilities, and
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shifting state of affairs, Hadım Ali could no longer stay in office at Buda and was
replaced by Toygun Pasha in February 1553. His removal from the post was
probably received with gladness by smaller Ottoman governors in the region who
sought to be freed of Hadım Ali’s stern authority over them. Ali Pasha also
produced a large amount of diplomatic correspondence during his first tenure of
office in Buda.22
After his dismissal, Hadım Ali held offices in Anatolia until 1556. He was
appointed governor-general of Karaman and joined Sultan Süleyman’s
campaign against the Safavids.23 On 22 February 1556, he took over the
province of Buda from Toygun Pasha, starting his second term with an income
of a million akçes.24
The decision to return Hadım Ali to Buda most probably motivated by
growing concerns in the imperial centre about the need to reorganize the
political and military affairs of the western frontier. The third major campaign
against the Safavids was now over, and the Ottoman central government
expected a new turn of events in the west. This could only be achieved by a
eventually report everything to the sultan. Ahmed Pasha was then forced to lay siege to Eger,
but after a bombardment of forty days, news arrived that the “Viennese King” was planning an
assault on Buda and Hadım Ali moved to assist the city. Thereafter, upon receiving the news
that the Ottoman government planned a campaign against the Safavids, Ahmed Pasha lifted
the siege (Ahmet Akgün, Hocazade Mehmed Efendi’nin İbtihâcü’t-Tevârihi. PhD Dissertation,
İstanbul University, 1995, 240–241, in original text fols. 94r–95v).
22 Ernst D. Petritsch, Regesten der osmanischen Dokumente im Österreichischen Staatsarchiv.
Vol. 1. (1480–1574). Wien, 1991, 85–93.
23 Akgün, Hocazade, 254 (fol. 111r). Here, Hocazade Mehmed praises the proficiency and
skill Hadım Ali displayed in his former offices and briefly conveys his achievements when he
governed Diyarbekir, Bosnia, and Buda. We may clearly infer from this sequence of historical
events that Hadım Ali was appointed to Karaman after his dismissal from Buda. The conclusion
that he became the beylerbeyi of Erzurum after he left Buda (Dávid, ‘Khadım Ali Pasha’, 52) must
derive from a misunderstanding. We know that Ayas Pasha held the office of governor-general in
Erzurum between 1551–1559; cf. Aydın, Erzurum Beylerbeyliği, 134. While in Karaman, Hadım
Ali petitioned for the revenue of timar estate renounced by his nephew Osman ibn Hasan to be
allocated to a certain Cafer, one of his protégés, who had demonstrated his prowess in the battle
against the forces of Erasmus Teuffel in 1552 (BOA Kepeci, Ruus 212, 71; for Hadım Ali’s other
petitions, see 79: 16 Şaban 961/17 July 1554; BOA Kepeci, Ruus 213, 85, 100, 106, 121). The
documents above also testify to the existence of a brother of Hadım Ali with the name of Hasan.
24 BOA Mühimme Defteri 2, 25/216.
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governor with a good sense of the power balance in the region. His earlier
military achievements along the frontier and his possible promoters within the
court made Hadım Ali a perfect candidate. By re-installing him in Buda, the
“hawkish faction” within the Ottoman political system discarded Toygun
Pasha and his policy of maintaining peace with Royal Hungary.25
In his second stay in Buda, Ali Pasha sought to enhance the administrative
and military capabilities of his province. In an effort to establish efficient
government, he demanded the coordinated commitment, under his leadership,
of all the beys in the province. In a letter to the imperial council in Constantinople,
Hadım Ali uttered his disapproval of district governors who acted
independently without reporting to him. He warned the decision-makers in
the capital that such self-directed persons would harm the security of the
frontier. He strove to set up a ruling apparatus that befitted his own desires, as
he had shown himself capable of during his first term as governor of Buda. His
drastic efforts to this end, however, seem to have backfired and doomed his
subsequent military enterprises to failure. Szigetvár appeared to be a wellchosen target, with an undeniable strategic importance. In this respect, Hadım
Ali led the way for the famous 1566 campaign of Sultan Süleyman. However,
the Habsburg counter-attack eventually wrecked his plans. Hadım Ali rushed
to relieve the fort of Babócsa when it was threatened by Tamás Nádasdy, but
was defeated along the river of Rinya and forced to draw back his troops on 25
July 1556. Less than a week later, he also had to give up on the siege of Szigetvár
(31 July).26 During the entire period, Hadım Ali also took diplomatic initiatives
and corresponded with the Hungarian magnates.27
25 Forgách, Emlékirat, 670.
26 Ferenc Forgách describes Hadım Ali’s struggle outside the fortress of Szigetvár (beginning with page 670 in the published edition of his chronicle). According to him, the rival commanders fought with equal numbers of troops (15,000 each). Forgách’s description of the battle
hints at a withdrawal of Ottoman forces rather than a defeat by the enemy. In his narrative, 400
or slightly more of Ottomans were killed in the combat, whereas the defenders lost 241 soldiers. For the battle, see also János B. Szabó, ‘An Example for Some – A Lesson for Others. The
First Ottoman Siege of Szigetvár and the Military Campaigns of 1555–1556’, in Péter Kasza
(compil.), Remembering a Forgotten Siege, 121–147.
27 The diplomatic correspondence concerning the siege of Szigetvár is worth mentioning
here. Less than a month after he was appointed to Buda, for example, Hadım Ali claimed in a
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The defeat of Hadım Ali presumably caused great confusion within the
Ottoman ruling elite. According to Forgách, Hadım Ali was by no means on
good terms with the beys of the districts in his province. During his campaign
against the fortress of Szigetvár, he pushed the beys in the army to their limits
and insulted them for avoiding an all-out confrontation with the enemy.28 It
was most probably because of his bitter relationship with the other Ottoman
notables in the province that Hadım Ali was dismissed from office and granted
the sub-province of Bosnia, with an annual income of 600,000 akçes (13
February 1556).29
Hadım Ali’s efforts while in Buda were notably concentrated on capturing
the fortresses of Eger and Szigetvár, two admittedly strategic locations on
Hungarian soil. The same strategic considerations were at play in the Ottoman
conquest of Szigetvár in 1566 and Eger in 1596. A closer examination of
Hadım Ali’s military operations along the Ottoman-Habsburg frontier will
show that he had elaborate plans for restructuring the province of Buda.
Hadım Ali clearly had a long term project in mind and a determined will to
carry it through.30
letter that bandit groups coming from Szigetvár seized fifteen Ottoman vessels and took away
thirty-two Turkish women. They also blockaded the Danube waterway upstream, causing a rise
in the barley prices. Hadım Ali was in favour of taking military steps to sweep out the island of
Sziget, and threatened the Habsburg government that the sultan would soon arrive in Buda to
devastate the Austrian territory as far as Vienna unless his anger was assuaged by acceptance
of a submissive peace (Sándor Takáts, Ferenc Eckhart and Gyula Szekfű, A budai basák magyar
nyelvű levelezése. Vol. 1: 1553–1589. Budapest, 1915, 5–9). There are eleven documents related
to the siege (Lajos Szádeczky, ‘Szigetvár első ostromához’, Történelmi Tár (1881) 268–282; for
these documents, see also Petritsch, Regesten, 124–127).
28 Forgách, Emlékirat, 684.
29 BOA A.RSK 1457, 1. The date Šabanović offers for Hadım Ali’s appointment to Bosnia,
7 May 1557, and for his arrival in Sarajevo, 1 June 1557, cannot be confirmed from Ottoman
archival documents (Šabanović, ‘Bosanski namjesnik Ferhad-beg Vuković-Desisalić’, 124.
30 For his conception regarding further conquests in Hungary, see Fodor, The Unbearable
Weight, 115 ff. Compare the phenomenon with Ottoman strategic plans concerning Transylvania in the sixteenth century: Feridun M. Emecen, Osmanlı Klasik Çağında Siyaset. İstanbul,
2016, 243–259.
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THE DEATH OF HADIM ALİ
Historical sources do not provide us with exact information on how long
Hadım Ali spent in his new office in Bosnia after his removal from Buda,
whether he received any further official titles, or when he died. Furthermore,
remarks on Hadım Ali’s last days by Busbecq, who met him while serving in
the imperial embassy in Constantinople, only deepen the uncertainty
surrounding the circumstances of his death. We are now in a position, however,
to offer a new narrative regarding the last offices undertaken by Hadım Ali and
the actual place and time of his death.
Busbecq, in a letter of June 1560 regarding his encounter with Ali Pasha in
Constantinople, gave a brief description of Hadım Ali’s undertakings in his
first term of office in Buda, and claimed to have personally advised Ali to keep
peace between the two empires. Busbecq was also keen to present a physical
description of Ali Pasha: He was a eunuch, a handicap that amassed all his
strength in his torso; he had a disproportionate body with broad and upright
shoulders reducing his head as if it were lying in a valley; two of his front teeth
stuck out; he drew words out with a husky, croaking voice; and he was a very
crabbed person. Busbecq resumes his narrative with Hadım Ali’s ill-fated
campaign on Szigetvár. He states that Hadım Ali suffered a failure against the
Habsburg forces, pulled back the troops under his command, and lifted the
siege on Szigetvár. According to Busbecq, it was a bey who eventually convinced
Hadım Ali to withdraw the Ottoman forces. As Ali Pasha made his way back
to Buda, a Hungarian surprise attack destroyed the bulk of his army, and when
he arrived, he was publicly disgraced and died there out of grief and desolation.
Busbecq finally adds an anecdote on how Ali Pasha reacted to the news of
German troops ravaging Esztergom in 1556.31
31 Busbecq, Türk Mektupları, 156–159. Busbecq’s anecdote about Ali Pasha being a eunuch
is merely a fiction. Hadım Ali supposedly mocked the courier who brought the saddening news
that the enemy occupied and sacked the fortress of Esztergom by saying that being castrated
was a much worse deprivation.
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Busbecq’s statement that Ali Pasha died of sorrow after the defeat he
suffered in Hungary32 deeply affected later generations of historians. Joseph
von Hammer-Purgstall, an unquestionable authority in Ottoman
historiography, for instance, helped to bring Busbecq’s account to a wider
audience.33 Tayyip Gökbilgin copied this information into his entry of Hadım
Ali Pasha in the Turkish edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam without
supplying any date for his death.34 From this standpoint, both works underline
the common assertion that Hadım Ali died of his grief while still pasha of
Buda. In one of the comprehensive works of Ottoman history, Hammer’s
wording is followed almost word for word, however, adding February 1557 as
the date of his demise.35 By contrast, Géza Dávid states in his encyclopaedia
article that Hadım Ali was dismissed from the governorship of Buda on 13
Rebiülahir 964/13 February 1557 and died on 17 Safer 965/9 December
1557. He probably took this from a footnote by Markus Köhbach.36 Köhbach
proposed this date on the basis of Šabanović’s findings on Ottoman rule in
Bosnia in the sixteenth century.37 Šabanović, relying on the second sicil of
32 Busbecq seemingly confused Mehmed Pasha, the governor-general of Buda, who died in
late April 1558 (BOA Kepeci, Ruus 216/A, 134) with Hadım Ali.
33 Hammer, Devlet-i Aliyye-i Osmaniyye Tarihi. VI. Trans. by Ata Bey. İstanbul, 1332, 74–
75. Hammer also writes that following Hadım Ali’s death in Buda, he was replaced in his post
by Kasım Pasha and Toygun Pasha.
34 Tayyip Gökbilgin, ‘Ali Paşa’, in İslam Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 1. İstanbul, 1943, 332–333.
35 Mustafa Cezar and Mithat Sertoğlu, Mufassal Osmanlı Tarihi. Vol. 2. İstanbul, 1958,
1057.
36 Dávid, ‘Khādım cAlī Pasha’, 52.
37 Köhbach, Die Eroberung, 47. Šabanović (Bosanski pašaluk. Sarajevo, 1959, 72) does not
give a date for the death of Hadım Ali. Thus, Köchbach’s note is ambiguous concerning the
source from which he established the date of Hadım Ali’s death. Šabanović, however, openly writes the day of Hadım Ali’s death: Šabanović, ‘Bosanski namjesnik’, 124. According to
Šabanović, Hadım Ali compiled a deed for his pious foundations on 27 October, expressing his
will to build a mosque and a tomb for himself and to bequeath two thirds of his wealth to his
foundations (I am grateful to my former student Nihad Dostović for translating a selected part
of the article). The inscription of Hadım Ali’s mosque in Bosnia reads 968/1560 for the completion of the construction; see Mehmed Mujezinović, Islamska epigrafika u Bosni i Hercegovini.
Vol. 1. Sarajevo, 1974, 401. Assuming that Hadım Ali died in December 1557, the mosque
was erected after his death. The inscription does not refer to him as being deceased, but calls
him Gazi Ali Pasha, thus posing another problem for fixing a precise date of his demise. Ekrem
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Bosnia, maintained that Ali Pasha fell sick in the autumn of 1557 and took
his last breath on 9 December 1557. He added that Hadım Ali’s office was
temporarily filled by the bey of Hersek and later by Malkoç Bey, before a
formal appointment was made.38
In an encyclopaedia article where I published several new findings on Ali
Pasha’s political pursuits, I argued that he must have died in Bosnia not later
than May 1558.39 A number of documents I studied thereafter, however, have
encouraged me to alter my former conclusion and to assert decidedly that
Hadım Ali died in Bosnia in December 1557.
I had already established from an archival document that Hadım Ali’s failed
military attempts in Hungary led to him being demoted from Buda to Bosnia
with an annual revenue of 600,000 akçes on 13 Rebiülahir 964/13 February
1557.40 I then needed to ascertain how long Hadım Ali held the office in the
sancak of Bosnia. In the Ottoman archives, I came across three references
regarding his administrative transactions in the last months of his tenure in
Bosnia. He filed a petition to the central administration recommending that
the commander of Banyaluka (Banjaluka) should be assigned to Gradişka
(Gradiška), where the military leadership remained vacant after the commander
of the fort fell captive. The Ottoman government transacted Hadım Ali’s
petition with a buyuruldu of 4 Şevval 964/31 July 1557.41 On 29 Muharrem
965/21 November 1557, the Ottoman government sanctioned Ali Pasha’s
request for land held in Karaman by his protégé, Kasım Voyvoda, to be
exchanged for land revenue in Buda.42 Ottoman central bureaucracy also
produced a document dated 10 Receb 965/28 April 1558 regarding Hadım
Ali’s petition for the renewal of the certificate of Dulkadırlı Hamza Çavuş,
Hakkı Ayverdi, in his pages on the tomb of Hadım Ali, proposes the idea that Ali Pasha was
most probably not buried there and that the tomb served as a sanctuary rather than a sepulchre.
Ekrem Hakkı Ayverdi, Avrupa’da Osmanlı Mimarî Eserleri, Yugoslavya. Vol. 2. Part 3. İstanbul,
1981, 314–315.
38 Šabanović, ‘Bosanski namjesnik’, 124.
39 Emecen, ‘Hadım Ali Paşa’, 4–5.
40 BOA A.RSK 1457, 1.
41 BOA Kepeci, Ruus 216/A, 21.
42 BOA Kepeci, Ruus 216/A, 80.
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FERIDUN M. EMECEN
who held a land revenue in İstolni Belgrad (Székesfehérvár).43 In this ruus
entry, interestingly enough, Hadım Ali appears as the former governor-general
of Buda rather than the bey of Bosnia, and his name is slightly crossed out.
On the other hand, an entry in the same ruus register stating that the fief
lands of Malkoç Bey, the former district governor of Kilis, fell untended after
his departure for Bosnia carries the date of 30 Rebiülevvel 965/20 January
1558.44 This strongly suggests that Malkoç Bey took over the government of
Bosnia in early January 1558.45 We can subsequently draw the conclusion that
Hadım Ali was no longer holding the office in Bosnia by this time.
After reconstructing the final phase of Hadım Ali’s administrative career
and thus the last months of his life as above, I noticed in the sicil register used
by Šabanović (of which I only recently obtained a copy) that a number of
entries recorded in the register clearly provide a date for Hadım Ali’s death.
The sicil of Hijri 965 includes a statement that “Ali Pasha, the present governor
of Bosnia, died on 17 Safer 965/9 December 1557”,46 resolving all ambiguity
(and corroborating Šabanović’s, Köhbach’s and Dávid’s standpoint) with regard
to his time of death. We also have a document confirming that news of his
demise arrived in Constantinople not later than 23 Cemaziülevvel 965/13
March 1558. A letter by Arslan Bey,47 who would later become governorgeneral of Buda, states that by the time he wrote his petition to the imperial
capital, Ali Pasha was dead: Arslan bey mektub gönderüb Mohaç sancağında
43 BOA Kepeci, Ruus 216/A, 153.
44 BOA Kepeci, Ruus 216/A, 103. For other entries regarding the has revenues in Bosnia,
see in the same register: 134 (27 Receb 965/15 May 1558), and 164.
45 Šabanović (Bosanski pašaluk, 72) regards this transaction as a proxy appointment. The
first entry in the ruus register identifying Malkoç Bey as the bey of Bosnia is dated 27 Receb
965/15 May 1558: BOA Kepeci, Ruus 216/A, 164.
46 Saraybosna Şeriyye Sicili, No. 1a/88, 390. In his work, Šabanović refers to this sicil as the
second register of Bosnia and does not provide a page number for the entry he uses. Interestingly enough, an entry in the same register of 15 Safer 965/7 December 1557 records Hadım
Ali as being deceased (379). This date, however, is two days earlier than his actual date of death.
This contradiction is probably related to the placing of the entry in the register. I would like to
thank Nenad Filipović for his help in procuring the relevant pages of the sicil register.
‿ ās. s–Estates
Illegally Claimed by Arslan Paša, Beglerbegi of
47 Claudia Römer, ‘On Some H
.
Buda, 1565–1566’, in Colin Heywood and Colin Imber (eds.), Studies in Ottoman History in
Honour of Professor V. L. Ménage. Istanbul, 1994, 297–318.
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30,640 akçelik ziamete mutasarrıf iken fevt olan Bali ağanın tahvilinden Budin
beylerbeyi Mehmed paşaya verilüb Mehmed paşa tahvilinden Ahmed ağaya
verilmişken Bosnada fevt olan Ali paşa Kasım kethüdaya verilmek içün hilaf-i
vaki arz edüb Bali ağa tahvilinden mahluldür deyü Kasım kethüdaya verilüb
mezkur Kasım kethüdaya verilelüden berü ila yevmina haza serhad hizmetine
gitmeyüb ve bir hizmetde bulunmayup mezkur Ahmed ağa yarar ve serhadlerde
eskidür deyü arz etmeğin ziameti mukarrer olmak buyuruldu.48
Taking all available documents into consideration, we can now propose
with confidence that Hadım Ali was appointed to Bosnia in February 1557
and died there in December of the same year. The archival document bearing
the date 21 November 1557 records his last official demand from the Ottoman
central administration. It is admittedly perplexing that, as mentioned above,
the archives in Istanbul hold another entry relating to a petition of Hadım Ali
dated 28 April 1558. This petition was probably sent by Ali Pasha before his
death, and for some reason, its discussion in the imperial council was delayed.
He was, after all, recorded in the related entry as the former governor-general
of Buda and, as already noted, his name was only partially written by the scribe.
The conclusion that Hadım Ali died on 9 December 1557 as adduced by
the sicil of Sarajevo is thus not contradicted by the documents in the archives
in Istanbul.
Here, I would like to correct another misunderstanding in the biography of
Hadım Ali. In passages under the heading “Hadım Ali Pasha”, Gelibolulu
Mustafa Âli claims that Hadım Ali assumed government of both Temeşvar
(Temesvár/Timişoara) and Egypt and died during his stay in the latter.
A number of biographical works have included this erroneous information in
their chronology of Hadım Ali’s political career.49 Çerkezler Katibi Yusuf, who
converted the Selimname of Şükri-i Bitlisi into prose and extended the work
48 BOA Kepeci, Ruus 216/A, 131. Kasım Voyvoda seems to have perplexed the Ottoman
bureaucracy for some more time. He appears as the majordomo of “the deceased” Ali Pasha in
an imperial order issued on 5 Şevval 967/29 June 1560 (BOA Mühimme Defteri 3, No. 1293).
Kasım had a land tenure producing a revenue of 31,500 akçes in the district of Mohács and
was recommended by the bey of Mohács for promotion to the captainship along the Danube to
protect the riverside. This proposal clearly demonstrates the ongoing influence of Kasım, the
former kethüda/voyvoda of Hadım Ali.
49 For an example, see Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmani. Vol. 3. İstanbul, 1308, 498.
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FERIDUN M. EMECEN
using other sources, wrote in the appendix of his work about the Ottoman
governors of Egypt that Hadım Ali Pasha arrived in Egypt on 1 Şaban 966/9
May 1559 after he had served as the governor-general of Temeşvar. He also
added that Hadım Ali died there on duty on 3 Zilhicce 967/25 August 1560
and was buried in the renowned Karafe cemetery in Cairo.50
This portrait, however, belongs to another Ali Pasha. According to the
documents at our disposal, this Ali was the district governor of Niğbolu
(Nikopol) before being appointed to Temeşvar, where he received the rank of
pasha;51 he was subsequently moved to Egypt. Following his death in Egypt,
his inheritance was returned to the palace, incontrovertible proof that he had
been raised in the court as a harem eunuch.52
We are thus now in a position to entirely remove the shadow of doubt that
once posed a baffling challenge for authors trying to pen a couple of closing
sentences for Hadım Ali Pasha’s biography. His enterprises during the days he
held the governing post in Buda, however, still await a thorough investigation
that makes extensive use of Austrian, Hungarian and Ottoman chronicles and
archival documents.
50 TSMK Hazine 1422, fol. 57v.
51 BOA Kepeci, Ruus 216, 18: 23 Muharrem 966/5 November 1558.
52 For the registers listing the fortune and estates of Ali Pasha, governor-general of Egypt,
see TSMA D. 8522, D. 10059, D.10163: 23 Zilkade 968/5 August 1561.
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SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PROBATE
INVENTORIES FROM TOLNA TOWN
Ibolya Gerelyes
Hungarian National Museum, Budapest
gerelyes.ibolya@hnm.hu
This study aims to give a glimpse into the lives of the inhabitants of Tolna, a
market town in Hungary, during the earlier phase of Ottoman rule in the
settlement and its environs. Many excellent works have already addressed the
history of this place,1 which lay on the main road linking Buda with Istanbul.
This analysis will draw attention to a particular group of Ottoman sources
available, to officially compiled inventories of personal property (movable and
immovable) owned by Hungarians residents who at the time of their deaths
had no heirs.
The lists, featuring modest items in the majority of cases, contain data
relating primarily to the everyday lives of such persons: to clothing; to
household items; and, in the case of craftsmen, to tools and to stocks of finished
products. However, as we shall see, they yield information on other issues also.
In this case, they assist a better understanding of the life circumstances of
Hungarian civilians living in an area afflicted by war.
1 Gyula Káldy-Nagy, ‘Tolna mezőváros mezőgazdasági termelése a XVI. század derekán a
török adójegyzékekben’, Agrártörténeti Szemle 4 (1962) 579–601; Idem, Harácsszedők és ráják.
Török világ a XVI. századi Magyarországon. Budapest, 1970; Ferenc Szakály, ‘Tolna megye
negyven esztendeje a mohácsi csata után (1526–1566)’, in Attila Puskás (ed.), Tanulmányok Tolna megye történetéből. Vol. 2. Szekszárd, 1969, 5–85; Ferenc Szakály, ‘A mohácsi csatától a szatmári békekötésig’, in József Glósz and Mária V. Kápolnás (eds.), Tolna mezőváros monográfiája.
Tolna, 1992, 91–175.
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IBOLYA GERELYES
The inventories analysed are to be found among Ottoman treasury
documents.2 Documents of this type were compiled because in the Hungarian
territories they controlled the Ottoman authorities employed a procedure
whereby so-called beytülmal income deriving from the property of those who
died without heirs, and from property lacking an owner or owners, passed to
the state. Under this process, property in question was auctioned off and the
proceeds transferred to the treasury minus deductions to cover costs, dues, and
sums required for the settlement of debts.3 The regulations applied to Muslim
and non-Muslim subjects alike.4
TOLNA TOWN DURING THE FIRST DECADES
OF OTTOMAN RULE
The market town of Tolna was, along with the Danube port that belonged to
it, an imperial has estate. The first time income from the port was paid into
the Buda treasury was in November 1542.5 Nevertheless, Ottoman power in
the area was consolidated only after the 1543 campaign in Hungary led by
2 Extracts from inventories of Ottoman and Hungarian Tolna estates that were auctioned off
in 1553, 1566, and 1574 were published by Antal Velics and Ernő Kammerer, Magyarországi
török kincstári defterek. 2 vols. Budapest, 1886 and 1890, 137–139, 357–358, 493–494, 506–
507. The inventories from 1553 are published in their entirety by the present author: Ibolya
Gerelyes, ‘Inventories of Turkish Estates in Hungary in the Second Half of the 16th century’,
Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 39:2–3 (1985) 332–338. The last-mentioned study and a full examination of the inventories from 1576 form the basis for the analysis
which follows. For the inventories, see Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien, Türkische
Handschriften Mxt. 575.
3 Lajos Fekete and Gyula Káldy-Nagy, Budai török számadáskönyvek 1550–1580. Budapest,
1962, 607.
4 For example, the Ottoman Buda treasury records contain numerous data relating to this;
see Fekete and Káldy-Nagy, Budai török, 327, 386, 400. This is likewise indicated by the accounts kept by the Pécs fiscal district during the period 1555–1572. In these accounts, estates
of Christians and Muslims alike feature among the beytülmal revenues. Among the Muslims,
members of the military, too, are to be found: Klára Hegyi, Források Pécs 16. századi történetéhez.
(Források Pécs történetéből, 3.) Pécs, 2010, 61–67, 149–158, 245–250.
5 Velics and Kammerer, Magyarországi török, 9; Gyula Káldy-Nagy, A budai szandzsák 1559.
évi összeírása. Budapest, 1977, 8.
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SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PROBATE INVENTORIES FROM TOLNA TOWN
Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent (1520–1566). A fictitious depiction of
Tolna, one based on imagination only, is to be found in Matrakçı Nasuh’s
chronicle Tarih-i Feth-i Şikloș, Estergon ve İstolni Belgrad: the route taken by the
army led through the town.6 In 1552, after the establishment of the sancak of
Seksar (Szekszárd), Tolna was under the authority of the sancakbeyi of Seksar.7
As regards Tolna in the second half of the 16th century up until the 1570s,
the written sources and the archaeological finds suggest a well-to-do, flourishing
town where a Muslim population lived alongside a Christian one. The register
of tax-payers in 1557 records the names of 941 Hungarian heads of family.8
One source of the town’s wealth was the growing of grapes. The inhabitants’
vineyards were, however, not in Tolna itself, but outside villages nearby. The
significance of wine production is shown by tithe (tenth) records from 1565
specifying production by Tolna’s inhabitants in that year of wine amounting to
the equivalent of 6,810 hectolitres. This was twice the figure for the Hegyalja
(Tokaj) district, one of Hungary’s most productive winegrowing regions. Some
of the residents engaged not in viticulture, but in the growing of cereals and the
raising of animals, likewise with success. Significant commercial activity is
indicated by the goods traffic through the town’s port; this brought the treasury
considerable income.9
From the early 1570s onwards, a slow decline can be observed in the numbers
of Tolna residents. As a result, wine production fell, as did cereals output, albeit
to a lesser degree. Even so, until the late sixteenth century Tolna continued to
6 Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi, H. 1608. The picture has been published: Géza Fehér,
Török miniatúrák a magyarországi hódoltság korából. Budapest, 1975, plate 23.
7 Szakály, A mohácsi csatától, 95.
8 Káldy-Nagy, ‘Tolna mezőváros’, 585. For purposes of comparison, it may be mentioned that
in Kecskemét, a Hungarian market town on the Great Plain which, like Tolna, belonged to the
sultanic domains, family heads numbered 407 in 1559: Káldy-Nagy, Harácsszedők, 143.
9 In the first half of the 1550s, customs income from the port of Tolna may have been
250,000–300,000 akçe per year, substantially below the approximately 1 million akçe in customs dues yielded annually by Buda or Vác but more than that generated by smaller places
such as Fülek, Hatvan, or Nagymaros in a year. See Szakály, A mohácsi csatától, 122–123. The
significant textile traffic through the customs at Tolna is pointed out by Zsigmond Pál Pach,
‘Aba, kebe, igriz. Posztófajták a hódoltsági török vámnaplókban a 16. század derekán’, Történelmi Szemle 29:1 (1997) 6–8.
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count as one of the most prosperous towns in Ottoman Hungary. This changed
at the time of the so-called Long War (1593–1606), when the settlement
experienced a loss of population. In the summer of 1599, at Tolna precisely,
hajdú (heyduck) troops attacked and defeated ships delivering supplies for the
Ottoman army. By the following year, many of the settlement’s Hungarian
inhabitants had left; a good number of them, along with persons fleeing Baranya
County, which was adjacent, found refuge in Kecskemét, a market town on the
Great Hungarian Plain.10
We know from archaeological finds that residents escaping the settlement,
which lay on a road used by armies, buried money and possessions of greater
value (those made of precious metals). Three such hoards from Tolna town
have been found. All three were buried at the time of the above-mentioned
war, namely at around the turn of the seventeenth century; all attest to the
relative prosperity of the previous decades as evinced by the historical sources.11
10 Káldy-Nagy, Harácsszedők, 143–150.
11 The Mátyás Kádas who around 1599 buried valuables consisting of tableware (four beakers, four spoons) and jewellery (two pairs of belt fasteners, seven silver-gilt belt buckles, two silver belt buckles, part of a silver Renaissance-style chain, a pomegranate-shaped silver pendant,
seven pairs of silver clothing fasteners, three silver hairpins) was in all likelihood a well-to-do
citizen of the town. The artefacts may have been his own property, collected together over a
longer period of time, or they may have been items belonging to others that he was holding
as pledges. See Zsuzsa S. Lovag and Annamária T. Németh, ‘A tolnai XVI. századi kincslelet’,
Folia Archaeologica 25 (1974) 219–244. Containing 68 gold coins, among them 44 Ottoman
gold ducats, the coin find was probably the property of a wealthy individual, maybe a Turk. The
presence of a Sultan Mehmed III (1595–1603) coin meant that the hoard could not have been
buried before 1595. See Márton Gyöngyössy, Altin, Akcse, Mangir... Oszmán pénzek forgalma a
kora újkori Magyarországon. Budapest, 2004, 78–79. The fleeing owner who buried 990 European coins (including four gold ones) in a beaker-shaped stove inset around 1604 was likewise
a resident of the market town of Tolna. Inv. no: 79.1.
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LESSONS OF THE INVENTORIES
12
The Wealth of the Deceased
Knowledge of the amount of poll-tax levied by the Ottoman state serves as a
good basis for assessing the real property wealth of the inhabitants: “According
to the law, any man who apart from his house, land, and vineyard has in his
animals and other moveable property assets worth 300 akçes, is, if living
independently, obliged to pay a 50 akçes poll-tax whether he is married or
unmarried.”13 In what follows, the wealth of deceased persons will be examined.
The purchasing power of the akçes at this time is well conveyed by the
circumstance that the price of a pig was 75 akçes and the price of a lamb 12
akçes.14
From the point of view of incomes, investigation of another group of sources,
payrolls of Ottoman soldiers serving at border fortresses on Hungarian
territory, is not without interest. In the fortress at Seksar in 1543, the daily pay
of the commander of the foot soldiers was 30 akçes and that of the rank and file
6–7 akçes each; the carpenter and the smith were paid 5 akçes per day. The total
annual pay of the commander of the foot soldiers at the fortress in Seksar in
1570 was 5,000 akçes; for each member of the rank and file it was 1,700 akçes.15
Of the thirty-nine probate inventories from Tolna examined in the present
study, fourteen listed assets amounting to more than 300 akçes in value. Seven
of the deceased had houses varying greatly in value. They ranged from the
house of a certain Gergely Nagy valued at 800 akçes to the hut of Ágota
Gucsora valued at 60 akçes.16
The most significant of the estates investigated is that of a certain János
Szabó – the surname means tailor in Hungarian – who died in 1553 leaving
12 The data in the lists grosso modo can be accepted as accurate. Nevertheless, it is difficult to
exclude the possibility that artefacts belonging to those who died without heirs were sometimes
taken away by neighbours or acquaintances before the official auction took place.
13 Káldy-Nagy, A budai szandzsák, 13–14.
14 Káldy-Nagy, Harácsszedők, 143.
15 Klára Hegyi, A török hódoltság várai és várkatonasága. Vol. 2: A budai vilájet várainak adattára. Budapest, 2007, 1132, 1136.
16 Gerelyes, ‘Inventories’, 336–337.
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property valued at 5,250 akçes. The inventory in question is probably
incomplete, since it merely features twenty-two very costly short overcoats
(kebe), a few other garments, and cash amounting to 200 akçes.17 Likewise
deficient is the inventory for Máté Kocsis – the surname means carter in
Hungarian – who left 1,500 akçes in cash along with a few garments of no
great value, making him worth a total of 1,610 akçes. It emerges that these two
persons may not have been Tolna residents at all, but traders who died while
passing through. This would explain the absence of household items in the
inventories for them.18
The above-mentioned grain producer Gergely Nagy, who died with property
worth 3,703 akçes, would certainly have been a Tolna resident. Among the
goods of his that were auctioned were not only 30 fertálys (approximately
three-quarters of a metric ton) of wheat, but also livestock (six oxen, two calves,
two pigs) and even agricultural implements (a scythe, a ploughshare).19
The estate of one Mistress Zsófia was worth 1,207 akçes, substantially less.
The picture given by her inventory is of a well-to-do woman who owned a coat
made of marten fur (zerdave kürk; 150 akçes), another costly coat (95 akçes),
silver artefacts, and a significant sum in ready cash (225 akçes).
Below these persons in the rankings are representatives of different crafts
who possessed wealth running into hundreds of akçe. Examples are Boldizsár
the Barber (564 akçes),20 Tamás Varga, who dealt with shoes and other
footwear (673 akçes), and the somewhat poorer Lőrinc Szűcs, who, judging by
his surname, which means furrier in Hungarian, made and repaired fur coats
and other items made of fur (355 akçes).21
Some of the Tolna inhabitants who died without heirs in 1553 or in 1576
may have belonged to a group consisting of those who paid only five akçes in
cizye. That is to say, they were on the level of those mentioned as “poor” in the
17 Ibid., 338.
18 Velics and Kammerer, Magyarországi török, 138; Gerelyes, ‘Inventories’, 338. Attention has
been drawn to the estates of itinerant traders who died while away from home: Suraiya Faroqhi,
Approaching Ottoman History: An Introduction to the Sources. Cambridge, 1999, 57.
19 Gerelyes, ‘Inventories’, 337–338.
20 Ibid., 335.
21 The last-mentioned two masters could be identified on the basis of their family names and
the composition of their inventories.
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poll-tax register of 1557.22 According to the lists examined, none had a house,
land, or vineyard; and the value of their movable property at auction was 100
akçes at most, less than 50 akçes in some cases. One could almost say that they
possessed no property apart from a shabby storage chest, a few vessels, and the
clothes they stood up in.
A certain Ferenc Nagy, who passed away in 1553, must have lived in penury
such as this. The total value of his estate was 30 akçes. It consisted of a pair of
street shoes valued at two akçes and a few garments.23
Among the very poorest encountered were a family by the name of Gucsora.
Three of its members died in a single year, 1553. Of the three deceased, only
Orsolya Gucsora had a house (hut), but this was worth no more than 60 akçes.
Apart from a “Borgoman”,24 that is, Bergamo, broadcloth (çuha) coat valued at
56 akçes, Ágota Gucsora had, according to the inventory, no wealth other than
another item of clothing (likewise of broadcloth), valued at 7 akçes. The third
member of the family was among the very poorest. Featuring simply as Gucsora
(that is, with no given name), this person left property valued at 34 akçes in all
(garments valued at 29 akçes and a storage chest valued at 5 akçes).
A certain Péter Patkó who died in 1576 was more indigent still. After
deduction of costs, just 10½ akçes went to the treasury following the auctioning
of his five items of movable property.
Dorkó Tolmács, whose property was listed at the same time, was only a little
richer. Strangely, the inventory of her possessions features no garments of any
kind, only a few artefacts of other types (for example, wooden plates), to the
value of 25 akçes. Even more strangely, her inventory, unlike the others, makes
no mention of funeral costs. Perhaps hers was a case not of death but of
disappearance; this would explain the absence of garments from the inventory.
22 A peculiarity of the cizye register of 1557 is that it also lists those who paid only 5–25
akçe. These persons are described – in Hungarian – as szegin ( ‘poor’). In 1557, 35 per cent of
tax-payers in Tolna fell into this category. Those who paid only 5 akçe in tax were not producers
of wine or of wheat; nor were they artisans. They were probably day labourers; cf. Káldy-Nagy,
Tolna mezőváros, 585–586; Idem, Harácsszedők, 145.
23 Gerelyes, ‘Inventories’, 334.
24 See Pach, ‘Aba, kebe, igriz’, 15. Another reading is ‘Turcoman’; see Gerelyes, ‘Inventories’, 336.
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Money in Circulation in Ottoman Hungary
It is striking that in many instances the otherwise beggarly inventories for
Tolna feature a sum of cash (nakdine) approximating in value to all the other
items included on the list in question. This sum was always given among the
items auctioned, almost invariably at the very beginning of the list, at its end,
or in front of the final total calculated. Doubts emerge over the general view,
according to which the term nakdine in accounting conducted in Hungarian
territories under Ottoman sway denoted always akçes.25 In other words, the
currency or currencies which are called nakdine cannot be determined
unequivocally. Insofar as it meant akçe, then in the case of the estates of
Hungarians, this would indicate that Hungarian inhabitants kept their
savings in akçe.
The testimony of the archaeological finds contradicts the above hypothesis.26
In coin hoards and in treasure trove, as well as among archaeological finds
recovered on the sites formerly in Ottoman hands, the proportion of akçe, of
Ottoman coins of any kind in fact, is very low. In connection with this, an
analysis of coin finds from the sixteenth century was performed by György
Székely. He pointed out that a significant proportion of the small change
recovered in the company of finds dating from the 1540s until the end of the
sixteenth century consisted of Hungarian denarii. In the case of foreign
coinage in the finds from these decades, the proportion of Polish coins was
greater than the proportion of akçe ones. In the course of the sixteenth century,
a phenomenon general in Europe, including those Hungarian territories
under Ottoman rule, was growth in the significance of the thaler, a large silver
coin. According to György Székely, “Ottoman coinage, and coinage reaching
25 Lajos Fekete, Die Siyāqat-Schrift in der türkischen Finanzverwaltung. Vol. 1. Budapest,
1955, 238.
26 Géza Dávid and the writer of these lines have, in an earlier study, drawn attention to
this contradiction: Géza Dávid and Ibolya Gerelyes, ‘Ottoman Social and Economic Life
Unearthed. An Assessment of Ottoman Archaeological Finds in Hungary’, in Raoul Motika,
Christoph Herzog and Michael Ursinus (eds.), Studies in Ottoman Social and Economic Life.
Heidelberg, 1999, 55–59.
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Hungary through Ottoman mediation, did not play a significant role.”27 All
this, the lack of Ottoman coins, akçe especially, and the presence of Hungarian
denarii in large quantity may indicate that the Hungarian population did not
hold akçe coins in significant amounts. This raises the possibility that in
Ottoman Hungary the term nakdine did not necessarily mean akçe. As a
result, in some cases cash mentioned in the inventories may have been denarii
(or other coins) the value of which was, after calculation, recorded in akçe.28
An assertion by Andre Raymond in connection with Egypt is probably valid
for the Ottoman-occupied territories of Hungary, too. According to this, “all
areas of the Ottoman Empire in the seventeenth-eighteenth centuries had a
double monetary system in which Western and local Ottoman currencies
circulated simultaneously”.29
The Composition of the Inventories
Based on the entries found in the lists, those counting as better-off farmers
had homes describable as only modestly equipped. Taking in his house, his
garden, and his livestock, Gergely Nagy’s inventory (3,703 akçes) features
twenty-seven entries; listing her house, too, Mistress Zsófia’s (1,207 akçes)
contains twenty-three. Those inventories that itemise property worth a few
hundred akçes contain ten to fifteen entries on average.
The furnishing of homes was simple. It consisted of artefacts which in most
cases were worth just a few akçes. Little furniture was encountered, in general
a bench or a seat (iskemlü) and – in almost every case – one or more chests
(sanduk). No entry for a bed is to be found, nor any for a table. Only in one
27 György V. Székely, ‘Differentation or Homogenisation? Structural Changes in the Composition of Coin Finds in Sixteenth-Century Hungary’, in Ibolya Gerelyes and Gyöngyi Kovács
(eds.), Archaeology of the Ottoman Period of Hungary. Budapest, 2003, 340–341.
28 Dávid and Gerelyes, ‘Ottoman Social and Economic Life’, 58–59. This is confirmed by
references found in some of the inventories of Pécs estates published by Klára Hegyi. Namely,
in some cases the scribe found it important to remark after the word nakdine that he meant akçe
by this; cf. Hegyi, Források, 233, 236.
29 Quoted by Colette Establet and Jean-Paul Pascual, ‘Damascene Probate Inventories:
Some Preliminary Approaches and Results’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 21:3
(1992) 377.
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inventory – for the relatively well-off Gergely Nagy – is there mention of a
matrass (döșek).30 On the other hand, entries for pillows (yastık) and sheets
(çarșeb) are common. Among the textiles belonging to the households,
handkerchiefs or small cloths (makrama) and table linen items (peșkir) feature
the most.
Vessels used for eating were often of wood: a wooden mug, wooden beakers,
wooden footed dishes, and wooden plates. The deceased, poorer and the better
off alike, kept foodstuffs at home in various quantities: wheat, flour, walnuts,
and vinegar.
Of the artefacts left behind by the deceased, items of clothing were the most
numerous. Long fur cloaks (kapaniçe) and fur coats, especially white ones
(beyaz kürk), are found in high number.31 The garments show large differences
in terms of value. A short overcoat belonging to Gyenes Varga was among the
most costly of the garments mentioned. Even the poorest lists contain a
valuable (or thought-to-be-valuable) item of clothing, for instance a short fur
overcoat worth 110 akçes. Textile items originating outside Hungary were rare:
a Bergamo broadcloth coat (çuha-i borgoman, köhne) and a quantity of silk.
Coats and the majority of garments generally were made from broadcloth (aba,
çuha) and were coloured using red (surh), blue (mavi), and green (sebz). Skirts
and headdresses, items characteristic of Hungarian women’s attire, are recorded
using the Hungarian words for them (sokna, parta).
Ready money kept at home is a striking feature, as is the relative frequency
of silver artefacts. In the thirty-nine inventories analysed, cash – in amounts
ranging from 45 akçes to 1,500 akçes – is mentioned in eleven cases and a silver
object, or objects, in five. Well-known from treasure trove,32 silver beakers
feature in two inventories. The most valuable item in Lőrinc Szűcs’s modest
wealth (amounting to 335 akçes) was a silver beaker worth 150 akçes.
30 Probably a sack filled with straw.
31 The last mentioned may well have been made from sheepskin.
32 As well as the above-mentioned Tolna finds, from among those uncovered in the vicinity
of Tolna one from Ozora deserves mention; cf. Pál Ritoók (ed), Csodálatos castello. Az ozorai vár
története. Budapest, 2015, 40.
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conclusion
On the basis of the value and composition of the estates investigated, the
picture that emerges is of a village-like environment, despite the fact that only
a few of the deceased had gardens and livestock. The inventories attest to the
significant social polarisation among the Hungarian inhabitants already
pointed out by researchers.33 The inventories show material situations ranging
from modest wealth (property worth several thousand akçes) to almost total
destitution (possessions that yielded just ten and a half akçes).34 Probably
drawn up following the deaths of itinerant traders, two inventories each
featuring valuable goods, a large amount of cash, and little else may be indicators
of the significant volume of trade passing through the town. For its part, the
large quantities of wine produced are vouched for by two inventories from
1574.35 On the basis of the contradiction between the simplicity of the
households and movable property of a more valuable kind (cash in the form of
coins, silver objects, and in some cases very costly items of clothing), a picture
emerges of a population ready to move out or even flee, in response to
developments in the wider world beyond the town.
33 Szakály, A mohácsi csatától, 127–132.
34 Exactly the same is shown by lists from 1566 and 1575 not analysed in the present study
but published in part earlier on. The poorest was Bálint Varga who died in 1566 with property
worth 22½ akçe; the wealthiest was Ferenc Sánta Szabó who passed away leaving an estate
worth 8,232½ akçe. Velics and Kammerer, Magyarországi török, 358, 493.
35 The above-mentioned Ferenc Sánta Szabó left wine worth 7,500 akçe, while Miklós
Kovács left wine worth 1,750 akçe. Velics and Kammerer, Magyarországi török, 493.
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Figure 1
A page from the probate inventory in Österreichische Nationalbiblitohek, Wien,
Türkische Handschriften Mxt. 575
210
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SOLDIERS OF THE SULTAN IN
OTTOMAN HUNGARY: THE TESTIMONY
OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS
Gyöngyi Kovács
Institute of Archaeology, Research Centre for the Humanities,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
kovacs.gyongyi@btk.mta.hu
Sources of several kinds provide us with information on the ordinary soldiers,
and particularly individual soldiers, who served in the minor Ottoman forts in
Hungary. These include reports on local military action and skirmishes, pay
lists, surveys, registers, probate inventories, account lists and cash books. These
are complemented by visual sources and, not least, by archaeological finds.
Excavations throw light on phenomena and objects that may be of significance
on a historical scale but do not appear in surviving documents and were
perhaps never recorded in writing. Different sources show up different aspects
of the life, origins, surroundings, activities, equipment, clothing and possessions
of Ottoman soldiers serving in the border region. The data sets are mutually
complementary and enrich our knowledge from different angles.
Here, with a focus on archaeological material, we present the everyday life
of soldiers in a minor Southwest Transdanubian Ottoman military base, the
palisade fort of Barcs (Ottoman Barça; in this study I will use the Hungarian
names of the various places and forts) on the River Dráva.1
1 The Barcs research project was supported by Hungarian Scientific Research Fund (OTKA,
K 72231). This paper was written as part of the project of the National Research, Development
and Innovation Office (NKFIH), number K 116270.
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GYÖNGYI KOVÁCS
HISTORICAL DATA
Following the capture of Szigetvár (Sigetvar) in 1566, its bey built a new fort
on the bank of the Dráva at Barcs, thirty kilometres to the southwest of
Szigetvár in 1567.2 It was a minor river base and, after 1600, also defended the
hinterland of Ottoman Kanizsa (Kanija). Intended to serve an important
function, the stronghold was – in the year it was built – given control of the
Dráva flotilla previously stationed at Eszék (Ösek/Osijek). This posed a threat
to Kanizsa and its surroundings, to the Muraköz (Međimurje) and indirectly
even to Styria. It is significant that at the Habsburg–Ottoman peace talks of
1567–1568, which led up to the Treaty of Adrianople, Barcs was one of the
forts whose demolition was demanded by the Habsburg leaders.3 Because this
did not take place, the new defensive strategy drawn up by the Aulic War
Council in Vienna, ten years later (in 1578) provided for the construction –
with support from the Styrian estates – of Bajcsavár (Weitschawar), a fort
intended to defend the Mura country and Styria.4
Two key military events shaped the future of the Barcs fort. The first took
place at the outbreak of the Long War in 1595, when the approach of Count
2 Franz Otto Roth, ‘Wihitsch und Weitschawar. Zum Verantwortungsbewußtsein der
adeligen Landstände Innerösterreichs in Gesinnung und Tat im türkischen “Friedensjahr”
1578 II. Erbauung und Einrichtung des Kastells Bajcsavár (1578)’, Zeitschrift des Historischen
Vereines für Steiermark 61 (1970) 158; Ferenc Szakály, ‘A babócsai váruradalom 1561-es urbáriuma és a babócsai vár 1563-as leltára’, Somogy Megye Múltjából. Levéltári Évkönyv 2 (1971)
52. A decree issued by the Ottoman imperial council on 23 September 1567 mentions Barcs
as a completed fort. Cf. Klára Hegyi, A török hódoltság várai és várkatonasága. 3 vols. Budapest,
2007, II. 1327.
3 László Szalai (ed.), Verancsics Antal összes munkái. Vol. 5: Második portai követség 1567–
1568. (Monumenta Hungariae Historica, VI; Scriptores, VI.) Pest, 1860, 152–156.
4 Roth, ‘Wihitsch und Weitschawar’; Géza Pálffy, ‘The Origins and Development of the Border Defence System Against the Ottoman Empire in Hungary (Up to the Early Eighteenth
Century)’, in Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor (eds.), Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central
Europe. The Military Confines in the Era of Ottoman Conquest. (The Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage. Politics, Society and Economy, 20.) Leiden, Boston, Köln, 2000, 49–54; Gyöngyi Kovács
(ed.), Weitschawar/Bajcsa-Vár. Egy stájer erődítmény Magyarországon a 16. század második felében. Zalaegerszeg, 2002; Géza Pálffy, A
‘ Bajcsavárig vezető út: a stájer rendek részvétele a DélDunántúl törökellenes határvédelmében a XVI. században’, Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 116:2
(2003) 463–504.
212
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SOLDIERS OF THE SULTAN IN OTTOMAN HUNGARY
György Zrínyi and his troops prompted the garrison to burn down the fort
and flee to Szigetvár. The Ottomans retook possession of the site in 1600 and
rebuilt the fort. Then in 1664, during the winter campaign of the poet-soldier
Miklós Zrínyi, the Ottoman garrison fled again, leaving behind a large supply
of victuals and several guns. That was when a schematic sketch, the only known
pictorial representation of the fort, was made.5 It was burnt down again, and
not rebuilt. After 1664, it gradually decayed.
Research by Klára Hegyi has established that in 1568–1569, soldiers were
transferred to Barcs (and Szigetvár) from three forts around Verőce (Virovitica):
Brezovica, Moslavina and Sopje;6 they were registered in Barcs in 1569.
According to the Ottoman military pay registers, the garrison initially consisted
of azabs and martoloses, probably also with müstahfızes and artillerymen.7 The
average strength was 150–200 soldiers, but the garrison was strengthened in
the final third of the sixteenth century, partly owing to the building of Bajcsavár
fort, and cavalry was also stationed there after 1579. The lists do not include
the commanders of the flotilla stationed under Barcs, who may be identified as
kapudans referred to by the name “de Mura”, expressing the desired direction of
Ottoman expansion, and who appear in the timar grant records of the sancak
of Szigetvár between 1567 and 1594.8
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS
On the site of the fort, archaeological test excavations were carried out between
1989 and 1994, and an area of 1500 m2 was excavated in 2002 and 2003, prior
5 Count Pál Esterházy (later palatine and prince of the Holy Roman Empire) gives an account of the stages of the campaign. His book Mars Hungaricus preserves the ground plans of
the recaptured forts, including the Barcs palisade fort. Although the drawings are said to be the
work of Pál Esterházy himself, they were probably made by an artist who copied the originals,
which would explain their uniform style, and the mistakes. (I am grateful to Erika Kiss and
Péter Király for pointing out this possibility.)
6 Hegyi, A török hódoltság várai, II. 1293.
7 Ibid., II. 1327–1329, III. 1590–1594.
8 Ibid., I. 102.
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to a construction project.9 This covered about a quarter of the estimated 0.6–
0.7 hectare (90 × 70 m) area of the fort. The excavation yielded information on
the direction and extent of the stronghold, the structure of the castle wall, the
internal buildings, the life of the garrison and ordinary soldiers, the traditions
observed and activities pursued there, and questions of supplies and trade.
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FORT,
BUILDING WORKS, AND THE SURROUNDINGS
The conquerors usually ordered the people of nearby villages and settlements
to build forts and repair walls. There are many such cases on record.10 The
involvement of the local population (particularly people assigned from the
village of Barcs, a few kilometres from the fort) in the building of the Ottoman
palisade fort of Barcs seems quite certain,11 but the number, names and ethnic
affinities of the master builders are uncertain. It is less certain whether or to
what extent the soldiers of the garrison took part in major construction and
fortification works. The possibility cannot be dismissed, because some of them
may have been craftsmen. Written sources tell us that at some (large) forts,
mainly in the early period of Ottoman Hungary, several craftsmen were
maintained to perform minor, everyday works; they were recruited into the
military organisation of the garrison and received pay.12 In the construction of
9 On the excavations, see Gyöngyi Kovács and Márton Rózsás, ‘A barcsi török palánkvár’,
Somogyi Múzeumok Közleményei 12 (1996) 163–182; Gyöngyi Kovács and Márton Rózsás,
‘A barcsi török vár és környéke. Újabb kutatások (1999–2009)’, in Elek Benkő and Gyöngyi
Kovács (eds.), A középkor és a kora újkor régészete Magyarországon / Archaeology of the Middle
Ages and the Early Modern Period in Hungary. Budapest, 2010, 621–642.
10 One of the many examples: “As early as 24 February 1688, the alaybeyi of Kanizsa issued
an order to the people of the villages to supply posts to be driven into the water tightly beside
the palisade; and thick palisade posts carved to square section, which had to be five fathoms
long; and finally posts for the wall.” Sándor Takáts, A
‘ magyar erősségek’, in Idem, Rajzok a török
világból. Vol. 2. Budapest, 1915, 22.
11 The people of Barcs village had previously been required to carry wood for the Christian
fort of Babócsa. Szakály, ‘A babócsai váruradalom’, 60.
12 Pál Fodor, ‘Bauarbeiten der Türken an den Burgen in Ungarn im 16–17. Jahrhundert’,
Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 35:1 (1981) 71.
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the fort of Székesfehérvár (İstolni Belgrad) in 1572, for example, mustahfız,
topçı, azab and martolos soldiers worked for daily wages as bricklayers,
carpenters, smiths and lime slakers.13 Craftsmen selected for fort-building
work by the Ottoman leaders were mostly from the local population.
An interesting parallel is the construction of the Christian fort of Bajcsavár.
An abundance of documentation on Bajcsavár survives in the Styrian Provincial
Archive in Graz and the Military Archive in Vienna.14 This tells us that Styrian
woodcutters and local Hungarian carpenters, smiths and bricklayers worked
on building the fort, and that (German) infantry soldiers were also involved in
the fortification works, but the Croatian infantry and Hungarian hussars
declined to take part.15
In Barcs, as we have seen, the local peasants, rather than the soldiers, were
probably responsible for cutting down the trees and driving in the palisade
posts. The woodcutters cut down trees in the nearby forests and transported
the timber to the fort on carts.16 The great continuous forests of the Dráva
country are mentioned by Evliya Çelebi in his description of 1664,17 and show
13 Antal Velics and Ernő Kammerer, Magyarországi török kincstári defterek. 2 vols. Budapest,
1886–1890, I. 252–254.
14 László Vándor, Gyöngyi Kovács and Géza Pálffy, ‘A régészeti és az írott források összevetésének lehetőségeiről: a bajcsai vár (1578–1600) kutatásának újabb eredményei / Archäologische und schriftliche Quellen im Vergleich: Neuere Ergebnisse der Erforschung der
Grenzburg Weitschawar (Bajcsavár) (1578–1600)’, in Géza Pálffy, ‘Függelék [Documents from
Vienna Archives]’, Archaeologiai Értesítő 125 (1998–2000), 103–111; Leopold Toifl, ‘Bajcsavár
története a stájer levéltári források alapján’, in Kovács (ed.), Weitschawar, 27–40.
15 Under the accord of May 1584, the local population had to carry out the repairs of Bajcsavár. The soldiers of the garrison were also involved in the work, but the Hungarian guards
did not perform their tasks. In autumn 1588, the master of works, Franz Marbl, complained
that the castellan, Miklós Malakóczy, had refused to order the Hungarian soldiers to cut down
the palisade logs required for fortification. In 1591, it was again German infantry soldiers who
drove in the palisade posts. Toifl, ‘Bajcsavár története’, 28–34.
16 Timber and other building materials for large forts were brought in on hundreds of carts,
sometimes from far afield. In the 1630s, “several thousand wagons of stone and lime” (Kalk und
Stein von vielen tausend Wagen) were brought to Kanizsa from the Pécs area. Fodor, ‘Bauarbeiten der Türken’, 67.
17 “Setting out to the west from Szigetvár, we went on hills and then on sandy-soiled forests
for six hours and arrived at the fort of Babócsa (Bobofça). … Then, going to the south in the
forests for seven hours, we arrived at the fort of Berzence. … From Kanizsa, going south in
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up indirectly on the First Military Survey (1782–1785) (see Figure 1), which
is close enough in time to be usable in reconstructing the late Ottoman
environment of the seventeenth century. This is true despite the large-scale
river regulation that started in the eighteenth century and the changes in the
structure of settlement and roads.
Woodcutting must have been an everyday activity for the fort and the
villages that served it, in order to supply firewood and palisade posts required
for maintenance. The hatchets, axes, hammers, pliers, drills, chisels, saws, nail
extractors, etc. found on the site were the tools of craftsmen who built the fort
(carpenters and smiths). Their owners did not necessarily belong to the
garrison, and could have been workers from outside, who brought their own
tools with them.18 They could also, however, have belonged to the basic
equipment of the fort. The tools and iron implements are typical finds from
excavations of forts from the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries, and the types
serve as chronological markers. It is remarkable that excavations on the Turbék
stockade19 built in the 1570s to defend the türbe of Süleyman the Magnificent,
have not yielded many tools or working implements (at least on the basis of
finds published to date).20 This is perhaps not surprising, because research on
the area was directed at the türbe and the religious complex around it (mosque
and dervish convent). The remains of buildings on this area are not comparable
with average remains of Ottoman forts, and other finds – apart from some
undoubted correspondences – are only partially comparable. Outside the area
hills and forests for three hours, we arrived at the camp of the grand vizier and into the vicinity
of İbrahim Kethüda. Starting from [… Kanizsa], we went west for one day, proceeding only
through forests, and easily crossed the River Mura at a suitable ford.” Imre Karácson (transl.),
Evlia Cselebi török világutazó magyarországi utazásai 1660–1664. Ed. by Pál Fodor. Budapest,
1985, 552, 554, 571, 577.
18 The estate of Gergely Nagy of Tolna County, for example, contained a drill (burga) and an
axe (balta), but also a scythe (tırpan-i köhne) and a plough-iron (şaban demiri). Ibolya Gerelyes,
‘Inventories of Turkish Estates in Hungary in the Second Half of the 16th Century’, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 39:2–3 (1985) 337.
19 Gábor Ágoston, ‘Muslim Cultural Enclaves in Hungary under Ottoman Rule’, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45:2–3 (1991) 197–198.
20 Erika Hancz, ‘Nagy Szulejmán szultán szigetvári türbe-palánkjának régészeti feltárása
(2015–2016)’, in Norbert Pap and Pál Fodor (eds.), Szulejmán szultán Szigetváron. A szigetvári
kutatások 2013–2016 között. Pécs, 2017, 89–130.
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Figure 1
The settlement of Barcs and its surroundings on the First Military Survey (1782)
Col. VII, Sectio XXVII
of the religious complex, the situation is likely to be different, particularly on
the as-yet unexcavated settlement (kasaba).
Archaeological observations have found that the initial builders at Barcs
placed the rows of posts in ditches dug two metres apart, the 20–25 cm
diameter posts being spaced 40–50 cm apart and woven together with iron
clamps, twigs and branches. Earth and clay was filled in between the rows of
posts and the exterior of the wall was plastered with clay and lime. (In the
seventeenth century, only one row of posts was driven into the ground in some
cases.) The palisade – as required for such forts21 – was frequently repaired,
and traces of repairs often show up in section walls.
Forts were probably not built with geometrical precision, even if the work
was supervised by an experienced master of works. The Ottoman palisade
21 Takáts, A
‘ magyar erősségek’, 75.
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stronghold of Újpalánk (Serdahel, Yeni Palanka), near Szekszárd, for example,
did not have two bastions alike,22 and the same was probably true for the Barcs
fort. (There may have been functional reasons, however, for differentiation
among bastions.) A calculation based on the perimeter of the fort (gained from
a comparison of the 1664 Esterházy ground plan and the excavation and field
data) and the number of post holes observed in the excavations puts the
number of logs required for the initial construction of the Barcs palisade at
1100–1200, requiring nearly 600 oak trees to be cut down.23 The amount of
timber used for the walls of the fort during its nearly 100 years of existence,
taking into account rebuilding and repairs, must have been several times this
amount, because large quantities were needed for palisade walls as well as for
fastenings, defensive ditches and associated defensive constructions, the bridge,
the rampart in front of the gate, and of course the interior buildings, which
formed part of the initial construction.
The garrison soldiers lived in timber-framed buildings with walls of wooden
planks plastered with clay; it is testified by remains of mud-and-daub. Among
the evidence for the timber structure is the large quantity of 8–10 cm long
forged nails24 (many of the larger nails were used to link up the timber frames
of the palisade and to fasten the bastions). The living quarters were joined
together and most had earthen or packed clay floors, which were occasionally
renewed. There are traces of floorboards in some places. The interior of the fort
resembled a small village, and according to the employees listed in the Ottoman
22 Attila Gaál, ‘Turkish Palisades on the Tolna-County Stretch of the Buda-to-Eszék Road’,
in Ibolya Gerelyes and Gyöngyi Kovács (eds.), Archaeology of the Ottoman Period in Hungary.
(Opuscula Hungarica, 3.) Budapest, 2003, 107.
23 Gyöngyi Kovács and Pál Sümegi, ‘Palánkvárak, fák, erdők. Régészeti és környezettörténeti
adatok a török kori palánkvárak faanyag-felhasználásához’, in György Terei et al. (eds.), Várak
nyomában. Tanulmányok a 60 éves Feld István tiszteletére. Budapest, 2011, 114–118. See further
András Vadas and Péter Szabó, ‘Not Seeing the Forest for the Trees? Ottoman-Hungarian
Wars and Forest Resources’, The Hungarian Historical Review 7:3 (2018) 477–509.
24 Interestingly, the register of a fort in the sancak of Semendire (Szendrő/Smederevo) records that 5 “mázsa” of nails (mismar) and much more of other nails were held in the store.
Velics and Kammerer, Magyarországi török kincstári defterek, II. 3. (The mid-sixteenth to late
eighteenth-century Hungarian “mázsa” = 58.80 kg. István Bogdán, Magyarországi űr-, térfogat-,
súly- és darabmértékek 1874-ig. Budapest, 1991, 52, 457.)
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pay registers and the Esterházy sketch, it had a mosque, indeed a sultan’s or
state-maintained mosque. The pay registers give the name of its staff. In 1619,
the hatib was Ahmed Halife, the müezzin Mehmed Ali, and the kayyum Hüsrev
Emirshah; in 1628, the hatib was Hubyar Halife.25 The mosque is marked on
the Esterházy drawing on the southeast area of the fort, but we were unable to
identify it. Judging from the remains of the dwellings found there, it must have
been a simple structure, which may be difficult to identify even in future.
The dwellings (whose floor dimensions, where they could be established,
were 12 × 7 m, 12 × 5 m, and 5 × 6 m) were heated with stoves built with cupshaped tiles. The excavations yielded a large quantity of stove remains,26 which
indicate that the stoves stood on approximately 80 × 80 cm bases made of
bricks laid in clay. In front of the stoke-hole, there was a cooking surface for
cooking over an open fire. Judging from the stove bases and the abundant stove
tiles and fragments of stove-wall, the stoves were of the Balkan type (rectangular
section below, with octagonal upper section and cupola),27 similar to those still
found in houses in the Balkans.28 We used a computer program to reconstruct
several stoves from the stove-wall pieces, with spectacular results.29 Most date
from the sixteenth century. Fragments of their superstructure ended up in
closed pits during the levelling of the ground that followed the Long War. The
clay was prepared in situ or nearby. The stove builders may have come from
villages or towns in South Transdanubia or the other side of the Dráva, and
either brought with them the mass of unglazed hand-thrown stove tiles that
25 Balázs Sudár, Dzsámik és mecsetek a hódolt Magyarországon. Budapest, 2014, 157.
26 Some of the brick-surfaces, judging by their sizes and ground plan, may be regarded as
stove remains.
27 Gordana Marjanovic-Vujović, ‘Kuća iz druge polovine XVII veka otkopana u utvrćenom
podgraću beogradskog grada – Donjem Gradu’, Godišnjak Grada Beograda 20 (1973) 203–204,
T. VII–VIII; Tibor Sabján and András Végh, ‘A Turkish House and Stoves from Water-Town
(Víziváros) in Buda’, in Gerelyes and Kovács (eds.), Archaeology of the Ottoman Period, 281–300.
Remains of a tile stove were found in a dwelling room of the dervish convent in Turbék (Hancz,
‘Nagy Szulejmán’, 108). We have no further details, but it may have been this type of stove.
28 Sabján and Végh, ‘A Turkish House’, 297–299, Figs. 16–18. See also, for instance, the
stoves of the eighteenth-century Svrzo house in Sarajevo.
29 Gyöngyi Kovács and Zsolt Réti, ‘Stoves, Ovens and Fireplaces in the Ottoman Castle at
Barcs’, Antaeus 2019 (forthcoming).
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Figure 2
Stove tiles from the excavations of the Ottoman fort at Barcs
have been found in the excavations (see Figure 2) or procured them in nearby
markets, possibly in Babócsa30 or Verőce31 or even further away. The composition
of the archaeological material, however, shows that Hungarian-type stove tiles
also sometimes found their way into the purchases at the market.
The large number of stoves and fireplaces obviously derives partly from the
needs of the soldiers, but it may also be related to climatic conditions. There
were signs of the “Little Ice Age” – cold winters and cool rainy summers – in
the weather of the Carpathian Basin at that time, including this region,
and with increasing frequency during the sixteenth century.32 In January 1664,
30 The correspondences between the stove tiles found in excavations of Nárciszos in Babócsa
and those from Barcs suggest that they came from a common set of workshops. Judging by a few
stove-wall pieces containing stove tiles, it is possible that the stoves themselves were identical.
Kálmán Magyar, ‘Babócsa története a honfoglalástól a mohácsi vészig’, in Idem (ed.), Babócsa
története. Tanulmányok a község történetéből. Babócsa, 1990, 176–181, 211–213.
31 See for example Silvija Salajić, Srednjovjekovna nizinska utvrda u Virovitici. Virovitica,
2014, 28–29, pictures at top. The finds are dated earlier.
32 Lajos Rácz, Magyarország környezettörténete az újkorig. (Természettörténelem, 1.) Budapest, 2008, 141–151; Lajos Rácz, ‘The Climate History of Central Europe in the Modern Age’,
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for example, Evliya Çelebi graphically described bitter weather in Zimony
(Zemun), where people and animals froze to death.33
THE SOLDIERY
The Ottoman pay registers preserve much information on the soldiers. The
entries beside the names include the soldiers’ original place of residence,
religion, sometimes their marital status, and occasionally even their wounds.
A summary by Klára Hegyi shows that most of the soldiers in Barcs were from
the Balkans, and many of them were Muslim, some recent converts. The 1619
pay register, for example, states that 49% of the personnel (175 soldiers and
three employees of the mosque) had Balkan names, some Bosnian. Nine had
the surname Bosna and thirty two, Divane. Kurd Ömer Ağa is a name that
suggests a distant origin. We know the standard bearers and the staff of the
mosque by name. The daily pay of the top ranks varied between 10 and 30
akçes; other ranks were paid 5–6 akçes and mosque personnel 6–12 akçes. The
high proportion of Muslims, including new converts, and data indicating
Balkan origins, all have significance for the assessment of material culture.
The fate of the Barcs palisade fort crucially depended on that of Babócsa and
Szigetvár. The garrison did not defend the fort during the great military
campaigns. Although the soldiers fled the fort, they did not stay out of minor
skirmishes, wich proved disastrous for them several times. In 1600, Hungarian
hajdús (heyducks) routed the forces of the commander of Barcs, executing the
commander himself, and in the 1640s, thirteen horsemen from Légrád captured
the chief serdar ağa of Barcs and three of his men.34 The main tasks of the
garrison, at least in the sixteenth century, were to control the river, secure the
in József Laszlovszky and Péter Szabó (eds.), People and Nature in Historical Perspective. Budapest 2003, 236–241.
33 For example: “…a hurricane blew, casting down everything, … the snow killed all of the
camels, … several people, tormented by the great cold, froze to death.” Karácson (transl.), Evlia
Cselebi, 440–442.
34 Csaba D. Veress, Várak Baranyában. Budapest, 1992, 113; Géza Perjés, Zrínyi Miklós és
kora. Budapest, 1965, 101.
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Dráva bridge-head and serve the flotilla. The objects found there, however, do
not give the impression that the fort was a riverside base or that its garrison
carried out service on the riverbank or on boats. The only connection with boats
comes from one or two sintels,35 all from the sixteenth-century layers. One
possible explanation is that the ships anchored some distance away (perhaps in
the area of the later ferry). Pál Sümegi and his colleagues have shown through
a pollen study that the channel of the Dráva under the fort started to turn into
a backwater in the late sixteenth century, and even at that time, may have carried
running water only during floods.36 The swampy channel of the Dráva – which
eventually served as a natural defence for the fort – was not well suited to
navigation. The flotilla is not mentioned after the sixteenth century, and it was
clearly withdrawn.37 Although there are almost no remains of river activity and
navigation on the site of the fort, it is possible that such may be found in the silt
strata that were subsequently deposited in the Dráva channel.
Together with the azabs, martoloses and müstahfızes, there were a number of
cavalry soldiers serving in Barcs; there were between 65 and 68 of them in the
period 1577–1581.38 In the second half of the sixteenth century, horses usually
fetched between 250 and 300 akçes at an auction of a deceased person’s estate,39
although individual cases could fall far outside this range.40 The daily pay of
35 The sintel was used to fasten the seals between the planks of the ship. It is an iron staple
with an oval or disc-shaped plate that holds down the seal, with a small nail forged to each side
of the plate. The nails were driven into the two adjoining planks. Attila János Tóth, Örvények
titkai. Víz alatti régészeti kutatások. (A Régészet Világa, 2.) Budapest, 2018, 70.
36 Pál Sümegi, Dávid Molnár, Katalin Náfrádi, Dávid Gergely Páll, Gergő Persaits, Szilvia
Sávai and Tünde Törőcsik, ‘The Environmental History of Southern Transdanubia during the
Medieval and the Ottoman Period in the Light of Palaeoecological and Geoarchaeological Research’, in Gyöngyi Kovács and Csilla Zatykó (eds.),“Per sylvam et per lacus nimios”. The Medieval and Ottoman Period in Southern Transdanubia, Southwest Hungary: the Contribution of the
Natural Sciences. Budapest, 2016, 40–49.
37 No martolos appear in the Barcs pay registers in the first half of the 1590s. Hegyi, A török
hódoltság várai, II. 1329. Despite the plausible reason given for this, the suspicion remains that
the temporary disappearance was actually due to the withdrawal of the flotilla.
38 Hegyi, A török hódoltság várai, II. 1328–1329.
39 Ibid., I. 213.
40 In the probate inventories of soldiers who died in June 1558, having served in the garrisons
of the palisade forts at Szolnok (Solnok) and (Török)Szentmiklós (Senmikloş), horses were
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Figure 3
Ornamental discs for bridles (phaleras). Barcs, Ottoman fort
cavalry soldiers was between 9 and 13 akçes,41 but a horse (by itself, not to
mention the saddle, bridle and other gear) had a very high value. Cavalry troops
therefore probably did not leave their horses unattended, and since the fort was
too small to accommodate horses, they may have lived outside the fort. This
may explain the dearth of horse gear found in the excavations in Barcs. There
were only a few phaleras (ornamental discs for bridles; see Figure 3), bits,
webbing buckles and horseshoes. The phalera was clearly an item bought at a
market, because examples identical to those found in Barcs have turned up
elsewhere, such as the Christian fort of Bajcsavár.42
We hardly found any weapons or combat-related objects, which may partly
be because the fort was evacuated in advance of being burnt down on both
entered at prices of between 600 and 2500 akçes, simple used saddles at 25–100 akçes, and
bridles at 7–20 akçes. Velics and Kammerer, Magyarországi török kincstári defterek, II. 221–223.
A black saddle horse (siyah esb) belonging to the dizdar of Pécs (Peçuy) was evaluated in the probate inventory of 1572 at 780 akçes, and various saddles were entered at values of 10–100 akçes.
Gerelyes, Inventories, 322–327. Cf. Klára Hegyi, Török források Pécs 16. századi történetéhez.
(Források Pécs történetéből, 3.) Pécs, 2010, 245–250.
41 Hegyi, A török hódoltság várai, I. 207.
42 Kovács (ed.), Weitschawar, 161.
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occasions, and any valuable objects (cannons) would have been taken as booty
by the Christian troops. Among the identifiable finds are cannonballs and
musket balls (there were several cannonballs at the north wall, near the
bastion), fragments of sabres and piercing weapons, and the category also
includes carved bone weapon casings and a fragment of a bone gunpowder
flask decorated with engraved flowers. Casting musket balls was probably
something that every soldier could do, while larger, more complicated weapons
were repaired by the fort gunsmith. As was general in forts, Barcs had its own
blacksmith’s shop, as clearly indicated by special tools, traces of cinders and ball
casting crucibles, although these finds fall far short of the recently-published
blacksmith’s equipment from the Újpalánk fort.43
Soldiers’ clothing is the subject of many contemporary pictorial representations and graphic descriptions in probate inventories and travel accounts,
and we do not attempt an analysis here. Most of the small costume items found
in the excavations are extremely humble. Textiles and leather are rarely
preserved. Data from written and visual sources can rarely be compared with
– and of course does not exactly match – archaeological data. Notable finds
from Barcs include heel plates, spurs, buttons, belt buckles, belt ornaments and
clasps. These items do not appear (specifically) in probate inventories, although
“buckled belts” and “boots with spurs” sometimes do.44 We also found a special
item in Barcs: a carved walrus-tusk belt fitting45 that counts unique (at present)
in Hungary. Its valuable material, which came from Russia, together with its
43 Attila Gaál, ‘A fémmegmunkálás leletei a szekszárd-palánki török kiserőd ( Jeni Palanka)
feltárásából’, in Elek Benkő, Gyöngyi Kovács and Krisztina Orosz (eds.), Mesterségek és műhelyek a középkori és kora újkori Magyarországon. Tanulmányok Holl Imre emlékére / Crafts and
Workshops in Hungary during the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period. Studies in Memory
of Imre Holl. Budapest, 2017, 215–239.
44 For instance Hudaverdi’s estate from Pécs (1560): “boots with spurs (çizme mahmuz)
26 akçes”, Hegyi, Török források, 114. In the estate of Szolnok müstahfız Ahmed bin Mahmud
(1558): “One old belt with buckle, 15 akçes.” In the estate of the Szolnok cavalryman Kurd: “One
pair of worn boots with spurs, 80 akçes”, Velics and Kammerer, Magyarországi török kincstári
defterek, II. 221. Such objects can also be seen on pictures. Klára Hegyi and Vera Zimányi,
Az oszmán birodalom Európában. Budapest, 1966, Plates 50–51 (spurs).
45 Erika Gál and Gyöngyi Kovács, ‘A Walrus-Tusk Belt Plaque from an Ottoman-Turkish
Castle at Barcs, Hungary’, Antiquity 85:329, Project Gallery, September 2011, accessed 8 May
2019, http://antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/gal329; Erika Gál, ‘Objects Made from Tusk, Bone, and
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Figure 4
Seal with Arabic letters. Barcs, Ottoman fort
manufacture, point to one of the sultan’s workshops in Istanbul.46 Among the
objects found beside the belt plaque was a seal with Arabic letters (see Figure
4; deciphered by Balázs Sudár). These and other rare finds may mark out the
quarters of the high-ranking persons in the fort.
The soldiers may have repaired their own clothes. A pair of scissors, an
essential item for sewing, was probably a personal possession. In the estate of
the Szolnok müstahfız Ferhad (1558), for example, “two shabby pairs of scissors”
were worth 21 akçes.47 Other personal items were knives, clasp knives,48 iron fire
strikers, whetstones, razors, bone combs and pipes, some of them is mentioned
in estates.49 In Evliya Çelebi’s account of his travels, knives, clasp knives and
Antler from the Ottoman-Turkish Fort at Barcs, Hungary’, in Kovács and Zatykó (eds.), “Per
sylvam”, 133–135.
46 Cf. Rıfkı Melûl Meric, ‘Bayramlarda Padişahlara Hediye Edilen San’at Eserleri ve
Karşılıkları. I. Sûret-i defter oldur ki usta kârlar bayramlık getürdiklerin beyân ider’, Türk
San’ati Tarihi Araştırma ve İncelemeleri 1 (1963) 766–770 (balık dişinden kemer pulları).
47 Velics and Kammerer, Magyarországi török kincstári defterek, II. 222.
48 The Buda customs registers record the import of a great many knives into Ottoman Hungary. For example, in 1571, 200 akçes were collected on 4,000 knives from Hurrem rencber
(tradesman, merchant), 500 akçes on five barrels of knives from Hoca Ömer rencber and 100
akçes on 4,000 knives from Matás (Mátyás) Bogdáni. Customs duty was collected from Pál
“Diák”, a Christian retail merchant, on 2,000 knives, and from István Kados, also a retail merchant, on 18,000 (!) knives. The list goes on; see Lajos Fekete and Gyula Káldy-Nagy, Budai
török számadáskönyvek 1550–1580. Budapest, 1962, 49, 59, 63, 74.
49 For instance Hegyi, Török források, passim.
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forks were in the belt carried by the Albanian, Bosnian and Croatian soldiers
of Nova Varoş in the Balkans.50 The Barcs pipes are varied, most of them
commercial goods, although one carved out of brick was almost certainly made
in the fort, perhaps by a soldier with time on his hands. There were also various
games to pass the time. The dice game played with an astragalus (a bone from a
sheep’s leg, marked with points) was in all probability played in the Barcs fort,
although the astragali we found (only four out of more than 10,000 animal
bones!) may not have been used for playing games, because they do not show
the corresponding signs of wear.51 The sheep astragali found on the site of the
dervish convent in Turbék were gaming pieces.52
Other personal property was soldier’s pay. The pay registers record exactly
who received how many akçes. We might expect large numbers of Ottoman
coins to be recovered in excavations of Ottoman forts, but they are not common,
and we only found a few in Barcs.53 One partial explanation for this is purely
practical: scattered small silver coins are difficult to find on the site. The
increasingly common use of metal detectors in excavations and in field surveys
may make some improvement, but will certainly not greatly alter the present
conclusion from research that few Ottoman coins were in circulation in
Hungary. The money in use comprised a mixture of Ottoman, Hungarian and
Western coins.54
PROVISIONS, COOKING, AND KITCHENAND TABLEWARE
Beef was the staple of soldiers’ diet in the Barcs fort, and they hardly ate meat
from any other animal. The vast majority (75.98%) of almost 10,000 animal
50 Ibolya Gerelyes, ‘Török viseletek Evlia Cselebi útleírásában’, Folia Historica 6 (1978) 22.
51 I would like to thank Erika Gál for this observation.
52 Hancz, ‘Nagy Szulejmán’, 107, Fig. 21.
53 Márton Gyöngyössy, Altin, akcse, mangir… Oszmán pénzek forgalma a kora újkori Magyarországon. Budapest, 2004.
54 Klára Hegyi, A
‘ török hódoltság és pénzforgalma’, Numizmatikai Közlöny 86–87 (1987–
1988) 77–83; Géza Dávid and Ibolya Gerelyes, ‘A hódoltság gazdasága és társadalma régész és
történész szemmel’, Keletkutatás 1996. ősz–2002. tavasz, 88–90.
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bones found in the excavation were from cattle, and the only other substantial
proportion comprises domestic hen bones (9.46%). The area was well suited
for flood plain pig farming, but pig bones make up only 3.49% of the total. This
low number may be due to the Muslim religion of the garrison soldiery.55 Meat
was supplied from the cattle trade routes to Italy and Styria that passed through
the region. The soldiers of the fort may have been involved in driving the cattle,
but they could also have ordered assistance from the nearby villages. Beef came
to the fort by purchase or as tax. An examination of the bones has established
that the meat was butchered in the fort.
Cooking-related remains reflect the Balkan traditions of the Ottoman
conquerors. There are many fragments of chaff-tempered, pebble-lined baking
bells, demonstrating the widespread use within the fort of an archaic type of
baking utensil that in some parts of the Balkans was still used in the twentieth
century.56 Like the copper vessels, ceramic pots must have been brought in to
the fort, because we found no traces of a pottery workshop. The great majority
of household pottery comprises hand-thrown Balkan-type pots and jugs of
various sizes and types, made in the region. Notable are the “Bosnian jugs”,
highly ornamented with a cog-wheel potter’s tool (see Figure 5). The small
number of these (only ca. thirty among nearly 18,000 pottery fragments)
suggests a special and as-yet unknown function. Glazed footed bowls traceable
to Byzantine roots, the form of tableware most typical of the conquerors, were
used mainly to serve soup-like food. The footed cups may, in the seventeenth
century, have been used for drinking coffee.57 Probate inventory entries show
55 Erika Gál and László Bartosiewicz, ‘Animal Remains from the Ottoman-Turkish Palisaded Fort at Barcs, Southwest Hungary’, in Kovács and Zatykó (eds.), “Per sylvam”, 181–252,
particularly 183, 200–201.
56 Béla Rőmer, ‘A sütőharang a történelem előtti időktől napjainkig’, Ethnographia 77 (1966)
390–422; Cvetko Ć. Popović, ‘Lončarstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini I.’, Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja
u Sarajevu. Nova serija 11 (1956) 99; Persida Tomić, ‘Crepulje i vršnici u Severoistočnoj Srbiji’,
Glasnik Etnografskog Muzeja u Beogradu 33 (1970) 43–54.
57 On Ottoman ceramics in Hungary in general: Gyöngyi Kovács, ‘Turkish, Balkan and Far
Eastern Ceramics in Ottoman Hungary’, in Baha Tanman, V. Belgin Demirsal Arlı, Hatice
Adıgüzel and Tufa Sağnak (eds.), Exhibition on Ottoman Art. 16–17th Century Ottoman Art
and Architecture in Hungary and in the Centre of the Empire. İstanbul, 2010, 91–99; Géza Dávid
and Ibolya Gerelyes, ‘History, Meet Archaeology. The Potter’s Craft in Ottoman Hungary’, in
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Figure 5
Fragments of a decorated, so-called “Bosnian jug”. Barcs, Ottoman fort
that tableware – especially the copper ware – was not cheap, and that many
vessels were in personal property. Among the expensive but commerciallyavailable items, of which we found only a few fragments, were pieces of faience
ware made in Iznik, Turkey, and Chinese porcelain cups.
Suraiya Faroqhi (ed.), Bread from the Lion’s Mouth. Artisans Struggling for a Livelihood in Ottoman Cities. New York and Oxford, 2015, 70–87.
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AGRICULTURE AND TRADE
In peacetime, the soldiers engaged in agriculture, and there are abundant and
detailed written sources concerning the farms they tended. Archaeological
finds only confirm this fact. In Barcs, for example, although we have no written
records of farming by the garrison soldiery, agricultural implements – scythes,
sickles, a hay hook and, from the bottom of a sixteenth-century pit, a
ploughshare and coulter (?) – have been uncovered from precisely datable
strata. We also have finds relating to animal husbandry, such as curry combs,
goads, horseshoes, etc., but these allow various interpretations, considering the
presence of cavalry soldiers in the garrison and the possibility that cattle were
driven into the fort for slaughtering.
Our knowledge of crops grown in the region comes partly from contemporary tax surveys. The 1579 land/tax register of the sancak of Szigetvár
states that the civilian population of Barcs paid tax on wheat, rye, cabbages,
onions, garlic, lentils and peas,58 and that such produce clearly must have been
delivered to the fort. The grain was milled within the fort on millstones of the
late medieval type, about 50 cm in diameter,59 and the chaff-tempered plaster
on walls and in stoves preserve a good number of grains suitable for
archaeobotanical analysis. These may be wheat and rye, in accord with the
data of the surveys.
Customs register entries show that thousands of iron objects came into
Ottoman Hungary from Styria.60 Iron knives from Steyr had been particularly
popular since the late medieval period61 and have been found at many archaeological sites in Hungary. They also appear in Barcs, where their owners may have
bought them for one or two akçes at markets in neighbouring towns.
58 Lajos Rúzsás, ‘Barcs a feudalizmus korában’, in Ottó Bihari (ed.), Barcs múltja és jelene.
Barcs, 1979, 9–10.
59 Katalin T. Biró, ‘Lithic Artifacts from the Ottoman-period Site at Barcs Castle (Somogy
County, Hungary)’, in Kovács and Zatykó (eds.), “Per sylvam”, 145, Figure 4.1.
60 Vera Zimányi, Magyarország az európai gazdaságban 1600–1650. (Értekezések a történeti
tudományok köréből, 80.) Budapest, 1976, 154. The thousands of knives that were registered
for customs duty in Ottoman Buda may also have included items from Steyr and Nuremberg.
61 Imre Holl, ‘A középkori késes mesterség’, Archaeologiai Értesítő 121–122 (1994–1995)
159–188.
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One lead seal is particularly interesting
(see Figure 6), because it is not the usual
kind of textile seal but a more modern
bagseal. The letter A may be a master’s mark.
Such pieces usually date from the eighteenth
century or later, although there are similar
lead customs seals from the seventeenth
century in the Netherlands.62 How this item
came to be among the seventeenth-century
finds in the fort is a question demanding
further enquiry.
The finds from the Ottoman fort in Barcs
are relatively modest, but clearly represent
Figure 6
Bagseal. Barcs, Ottoman fort
the characteristically diverse material culture
of the soldiery of the conquering Ottoman
forces in the frontier lands of the Ottoman Empire. Although their presence had
a fundamentally military purpose, these men, in peacetime, also engaged in
peasant and craft occupations. The picture that emerges from the finds confirms
the data in written sources, particularly the pay registers, and reveal the Balkan
origins and affinities of the garrison soldiery. Some of the finds, however, indicate
relations with nearby towns and villages that involve a continuation of late
medieval traditions. They also include Austrian, Styrian and Balkan commercial
wares and more refined items of Ottoman culture, either purchased or brought
in as part of supplies or as personal possessions.
In any period, the nature of the site and the area of supply leave their mark on
the composition and character of objects. At Turbék, for example, no sign has
yet been found of ceramics of the Hungarian tradition, while Ottoman palisade
forts in the Danube region (for example Ozora, Bátaszék and Újpalánk) are
full of the products of Hungarian towns. The finds in Barcs, as is typical of the
Dráva country, display a dominance of Balkan elements.
62
I would like to thank Maxim Mordovin for this identification.
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AN OTTOMAN GARDEN – THE PALACE
OF BEYLERBEYİS IN BUDA
Adrienn Papp
Budapest History Museum
Pázmány Péter Catholic University
papp.adrienn@btm.hu
In 1955, archaeologist Győző Gerő of the Budapesti Történeti Múzeum
[Budapest History Museum] carried out the first archaeological excavation of
the seventeenth-century palace of the beylerbeyis in Buda. The work was made
possible by restoration work in the area subsequent to the destruction of World
War II. He led planned archaeological excavations on the presumed site of the
palace, designating the areas to be excavated according to scientific principles.
He successfully identified remnants of buildings associated with the mediaeval
Szapolyai (later Werbőczi) Palace, subsequently used by Ottoman beylerbeyis
as their palace, and designated the excavation areas accordingly. Although he
was unable to complete his field work, Gerő identified parts of utmost
importance within the compound.1 These ruins were either filled back during
the restoration works or preserved at the level of the cellar of the structure that
was being restored.2
1 Győző Gerő, ‘The Residence of the Pasha’s in Hungary and the Recently Discovered
Pashasaray from Buda’ in François Déroche, Antoinette Harri and Allison Ohta (eds.), Art
Turc – Türkisch Art. 10th International Congress of Türkisch Art – 10 Congrès international d’art
turc. Actes–Proceedings. Geneve, 1995. Genève, 1999, 353–360.
2 On the unearthed remnants of the palace, see Adrienn Papp, ‘Rövid összefoglaló a budai
pasák palotájáról’, Budapest Régiségei 46 (2013) 167–185.
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ADRIENN PAPP
Work on converting the modern age Carmelite monastery in Buda Castle
District to serve a new function provided a new opportunity for archaeological
investigation: salvage excavation was conducted on the site of the compound
before it was renovated for the prime minister’s office. This archaeological
method differed from Gerő’s: scientific inquisitiveness was no longer the main
priority, and archaeological research was demarcated by the redevelopmental
earthworks of the project. This restricted excavation to minor areas of the
mediaeval Szapolyai/Werbőczi Palace, subsequently the beylerbeyis’ palace,
and a vital investigation took place on a building plot north of the palace.3 The
only large, homogeneous tract that could be excavated within the compound
was adjacent to the wall of the castle. We present the results of this work here.
The Carmelite monastery lies beside the north eastern corner of the castle
wall, which protrudes in the shape of a bastion. In 2010, as a consequence of
heavy rainfall, this section of the wall started to lean outward conspicuously. As
a result, masses of earth behind it had to be removed and the wall relevelled.
The removal of earth led to the discovery that this corner had been made from
concrete. The removed debris showed that this place had been hit by massive
bombing in World War II. The displaced section was a post-war addition, and
so this entire block must have been demolished. As an emergency remedy,
earth was removed to a considerable depth at the northern point of the bastionlike protrusion and to a lesser depth to the south. Beyond doubt, layers of
archaeological ages within the northern sector were extracted to a considerable
extent. Layers of the Ottoman period remained, however, in the southern zone.
During this phase, a section of wall west of the bastion-like protrusion was
identified as part of the town wall built in the Árpád era.
Subsequently, in October 2014, a remedial project began with the digging
of six pits. These pits took us down to the substratum at a depth of seven
metres. Following disputes over the utilization of the land, an agreement was
reached on the excavation of two thirds of the southern end of the bastion-like
protrusion in the summer of 2015. From a sondage sunk by Gerő, we knew
where to expect the Ottoman trodden surface. This surface was found to have
3 As to the excavation, see Adrienn Papp, Judit Szigeti and Viktória Horváth, ‘Három
korszak – három lelet. Három kiemelkedő tárgy a budavári karmelita kolostor feltárásából’,
Budapest Régiségei 50 (2017) 189–221.
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been left scarcely disturbed in the modern age, so that layers of the Ottoman
period survived in a unique condition.
The bastion was enclosed by four walls: the Árpád-era town wall to the west
and the walls of the sixteenth-century fortification on the other three sides.
The internal area was about forty metres long and on average ten metres wide.
A road dating to the Ottoman period led to this area from the west. The
medieval walls had been rearranged when the road was built. The remains of
the palace that burned down in the siege of 1686 were unearthed on the
uppermost level within the bastion. The intensity of the blaze was confirmed
by traces of sand from ceramic roof tiles that had melted and become glass-like.
The fire had been thoroughly destructive, but it preserved traces of everything.
Underneath this stratum of debris lay a homogeneously burned surface divided
by a few postholes and minor spots of pavement.
Although the bastion can be identified in all contemporary illustrations,
De la Vigne’s engraving shows a building over it,4 but Fontana’s does not.5
(See Figure 1) The archaeological data definitely confirms that there was no
building over the bastion but the main annex of the palace was built beside the
western side of the town wall dating to the Árpád era. The walls of the bastion
were not entirely blind: loopholes were cut into its eastern wall, while walledup cellar windows were found in its western wall. The undivided space, the lack
of paved surface and the positions of columns suggest that this must have been
the site of the beylerbeyis’ palace garden. (See Figure 2) Excavation stopped at
this level, and this was accepted by the engineers. This action guaranteed the
preservation of sondaged walls and deeper-lying artefacts.
According to the most recent archaeological investigation, we know that the
beylerbeyis’ palace was composed of buildings arrayed around several courts,
with its main annex facing the Danube. Some of these courts were unearthed,
and all were found to be paved. The palace bath, together with its entrance and
attached guard posts and several of its other walls, was also found. Since our
previous information was very incomplete, the archaeological excavation of the
garden was a great opportunity.
4
5
De la Vigne, 1686. Budapest History Museum Collection of Prints, Inv. No. 2004.9.1
György Rózsa, Budapest régi látképei (1493–1800). Budapest, 1963, cat. No. 27.
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ADRIENN PAPP
Figure 1
Fontana’s drawing about the palace of the beylerbeys of Buda
in Budapest (Budapest History Museum Collection of Prints,
Inv. No. 52.54.1.)
The surface of the garden (Photo by Adrienn Papp)
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Gardens were ostensibly simple, but they had a complex function, and this
was reflected in their design. They comprised in part an imperishable
architectural creation, but their quintessence was manifested in ever-changing
flora. The methods of archaeology are mostly suited to finding man-made
elements, and what they uncover reflect only a fraction of the variety that once
prevailed. Fruit and vegetable gardens designed specifically for the purpose of
food growing were of utmost importance in the historic ages, but pleasure
gardens were also constructed.
Classic Islamic gardens evolved in desert and semi-arid climates, and in
almost all cases were artificial creations surrounded by walls. Supplying them
with sufficient water was a consideration of utmost importance, and was often
achieved by brilliant feats of engineering.6 Gardens were very commonly
rectangular or square in plan, and divided into four sectors by walkways or
watercourses. Typical structures installed in gardens were basins filled with
water and/or small pavilions.7 Water channels running from the centre toward
the four points of the compass had a symbolic connotation: they signified the
four rivers of Paradise. Paradise, as contrasted with deserts, stood for life, as
did gardens.
Gardens were also intended to meet certain climatic challenges: they
provided shade for people resting there and water for the thirsty, and of course
they nourished plants. Fascinating water channel and reservoir systems were
designed and constructed.8 The man-made components of many of them have
survived the trials of time. The most remarkable ones are historic and still
function, such as the garden of Humayun’s Tomb or that of the Taj Mahal.
Archaeological excavations have also unearthed parts of them, such as the
brick-fenced portion of a primordial garden and its well in Cairo.9
6 János Géczi, A muszlim kert. Budapest, 2002, 32–33.
7 Michele Bernardini, ‘Die Gärten von Samarkand und Herat’, in Attilio Petruccioli (ed.),
Der Islamische Garten. Stuttgart, 1994, 237–248, 239.
8 James L. Wescoat Jr., ‘Water and Waterworks in Garden Archaeology’, in Amina-Aicha
Malek (ed.), Sourcebook for Garden Archaeology. Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, 2013, 421–452.
9 Stéphane Pradines, ‘Fatimid Gardens: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives’, Bulletin
of School of Oriental and African Studies 79 (2016) 473–502.
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ADRIENN PAPP
A crucial influence on the evolution of the Ottoman Empire, in addition to
Islamic customs, was the architecture of the Byzantine Empire. Although
there are a few illustrations, the main sources for Byzantine gardens are
written. The mosaics of the Chora Church (today Kariye Camii) in Istanbul
include an extraordinary piece: a basin from which water flows, with a design
that depicts a spring surrounded by trees and flowers. Watercourses
symbolizing the four rivers were components of early Byzantine gardens, but
such symbolism faded in later times. Turkish attacks caused the residents of
Byzantium to abandon the fruit and vegetable gardens that had been built on
large areas at the periphery of towns. Rural villas typical of antiquity and the
early Byzantine period vanished together with the pleasure gardens that
adjoined them, partly because of the armed conflicts. In parallel with Ottoman
expansion, hortus conclusus became widespread in towns. These had the
function of producing food.10
The garden of the beylerbeyis’ palace in Buda does not display the strict
formality and quadripartite garden layout typical of Islamic gardens, and
neither did we identify the usual watercourses or basins. Ottoman gardens
abandoned the traditions of classic Islamic gardens. One fundamental
influence on this was the horticulture of the Byzantine Empire. Another was
the prevailing climatic at the periphery of the expanding Ottoman Empire,
which did not demand the sophisticated garden design preferred by state
regimes in the arid conditions of the Near East. Ottoman towns outgrew
their walled boundaries, so that their borders merged with the natural
environment. Townsmen took advantage of this aspect by building walkways
to the neighbouring woods and orchards.
Parks in these towns were laid out around institutions such as camis,
monasteries and türbes (mausoleums). Their design was essentially dictated by
their functions and relations to the rest of the buildings. Routes were adjusted
to the surrounding edifices to provide passage between the buildings.
Cemeteries, that is, the surroundings of türbes, were a particular kind of garden,
10 Costas N. Constantinides, ‘Byzantine Garden and Horticulture in the Late Byzantine
Period, 1204–1453: The Secular Sources’, in Antony Littlewood, Henry Mahurie and Joachim
Wolschke-Bulman (eds.), Byzantine Garden Culture. Washington, 2002, 87–103.
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laid out with trees and orchards between the tombs. There were also walled
gardens accessible to local residents.11
Less is known about the gardens of palaces and residences, despite references
in written sources. Evliya Çelebi observed that there were gardens, and often
orchards, connected to residences in most of the towns, and he also reported
flowers during his journeys. Ottoman residences and palaces were normally
built around courtyards, which did not meet the classic definition of gardens.
Even though they had verandahs, many of them were paved. There were also
gardens connected to palaces. Certain gardens of the Topkapı Palace were
paved, but they included basins and areas planted with lawns, trees and flowers.
Some, according to certain miniatures and written sources, had wild animals
strolling in them.12
The “fashion trends” of the Ottoman elite were prescribed by Istanbul and
the sultan’s palace. Gardens, forests and orchards designed in accordance with
these became a feature of life in rural towns in Anatolia and even in occupied
Europe. The travelogues of Evliya Çelebi tell of promenades in these towns
leading to türbes and monasteries and through forests and hills. Evliya Çelebi
describes the garden of the monastery of the Mevlevi order in Peçuy (Pécs) as
the most beautiful in Ottoman Hungary, and subsequently, when describing
Konya, he refers to it as one of the most marvellous in the empire.13 In his
travelogue on Buda, he explains that the town had 7,000 gardens,14 which
rather means that the town had a lot of gardens. He also imparted a few further
details: he described the garden around Baruthane (Gunpowder Mill), where
rose beds, orchards, meadows and tulips proliferated, as the most amazing.15
Baruthane stood outside the fortified town. It was an independent, fourcornered fort surrounded by thermal springs and ponds. This was not a new
11 Maurice Cerasi, ‘Der osmanische Garten im Spiegel der Landschaft des Bosporus’, in
Petruccioli (ed.), Der Islamische Garten, 217–236
12 Nurhan Atasoy, 15. Yüzyıldan 20. Yüzyıla Osmanlı Bahçeleri ve Hasbahçeler. İstanbul,
2005, 106. (Hünername, I. Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi, H 1523, fols. 18v–19r.)
13 Balázs Sudár, Pécs 1663-ban. Evlia cselebi és az első részletes városleírás. Pécs, 2012, 140.
14 Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zillȋ, Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi. Topkapı Sarayı
Kütüphanesi Revan 1457 Numaralı Yazmanın Transkripsiyonu–Dizini. Vol. 6. Ed. by Seyyid
Ali Kahraman and Yücel Dağlı. İstanbul, 2002, 150.
15 Ibid., 151.
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ADRIENN PAPP
garden, having already existed in the second half of the sixteenth century:
Sokollu Mustafa, the pasha of Buda, referred to it in his endowment deed
(vakıfname) as Miftah Baba’s garden.16 Gül Baba’s hanekah (convent), whose
garden was similar to that of Irem according to Evliya Çelebi, stood nearby.17
There were some areas round Buda18 that served as sites of leisure and
pleasure, including the garden of Hızır Baba, whose hanekah and türbe were
located west of the town, Gürz İlyas’s Hill,19 and the old royal gardens.20
Most references are to such public gardens, but a few concern the gardens of
residences and palaces. Evliya Çelebi mentions that residences on the outskirts
of the town21 had orchards and flower gardens.22 Nearly one hundred years
earlier (1587), Reinhold Lubenau had visited Buda and witnessed the same
scenery: “The lords equip their lodgings with prodigious gardens.”23 However,
gardens were not at all general in every part of town. Evliya Çelebi noted that
dwellings in the tanners’ quarter had no gardens at all.24 In fact, archaeological
excavations in an urban quarter today called Tabán have discovered that these
dwellings did indeed have gardens.25
In the second half of the sixteenth century, magnates and pashas had
preferred to have their palaces built in the proximity of the Danube. Sokollu
Mustafa Pasha’s son was said to be able to jump out of the window of the
16 Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi, D 7000, fol. 9v.
17 Evliya Çelebi (ibid., 147) uses the same qualifier for gardens in the vicinity of the town
and for the monastery of the Mevlevi order in Pécs. For further details about his travelogue,
see Sudár, Pécs 1663-ban, 137–141.
18 Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, VI. 150.
19 Today: Gellért-hegy (Gellért Hill).
20 The medieval royal gardens lay on slopes next to the royal palace at the southern end of
Várhegy (Castle Hill). Its little Renaissance pavilion was unearthed by Károly Magyar and
Anikó Tóth.
21 This is an urban quarter called Víziváros (Water Town), stretching between Castle Hill
and the Danube.
22 Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, VI. 144.
23 Sándor Haraszti and Tibor Pethő, Útikalandok a régi Magyarországon. Budapest, 1963, 89.
24 Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, VI. 143.
25 Adrienn Papp, ‘Relics of an Ottoman-era Tannery in Buda’s Tabán District’, in Elek Benkő,
Gyöngyi Kovács and Krisztina Orosz (eds.), Crafts and Workshops in Hungary during the Middle
Ages and the Early Modern Period. Studies in Memory of Imre Holl. Budapest, 2017, 431–440.
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AN OTTOMAN GARDEN – THE PALACE OF BEYLERBEYİS IN BUDA
palace into the river.26 These palaces in Buda may have resembled those on the
coast of the Bosporus.27 Regretfully, neither residual nor archaeological
artefacts pointing to these palaces have been found. The hostilities of the Long
War (1591–1606) forced the pashas to move to the better-fortified conditions
of Várhegy (Castle Hill). It was during that period that the pasha’s palace on
the site of the Szapolyai palace was built, by remodelling the Renaissance
palace in full conformity with Ottoman standards. This work resulted in a
garden being laid out in the bastion after the war. Originally, the bastion had
been built to modernize the fortification of the castle, and loopholes had been
carved into its walls.
The next paragraph explains what was unearthed in some detail. Győző
Gerő positioned one of his sondages in the passageway leading to the garden,
and found that Ottoman walls had edged the passageway on both sides.
Archaeological excavations in the 1960s revealed that the Ottoman palace had
been constructed by filling the huge mediaeval cellars and by relevelling the
walls of the Renaissance palace. In that period, after the passageway was paved
on top of several relevelled medieval walls.
The garden had been landscaped within the bastion; its former trodden
surface, which had burned and become a hard surface in the blaze of 1686, was
unearthed. This trodden surface was basically earth, but paved parts were
found along with the walls. Subterranean stone walls ran beside the eastern
and western town walls. Parts of these were uncovered in sondages, and the
lines of other parts were traced using by a ground-penetrating radar28 survey in
the centre of the area. Remarkably, five column bases were found in situ on the
western wall, positioned nearly equally near its southern end. Further north,
the ground at the level where the columns were found had been disturbed by
the removal of earth in 2010, but the columns had most likely continued in
that direction, because stone bases were found in the debris. Six similar blocks
of stone were uncovered along the eastern town wall and three along the
western town wall. One of Gerő’s test trenches had been located at the southern
end of the western wall; unfortunately, we have no information as to whether
26 Sándor Takáts, Rajzok a török világból. Vol. 1. Budapest, 1915, 117.
27 Cerasi, ‘Der osmanische Garten’, 226–229.
28 Completed by Gábor Bertók and Róbert Lóki in 2015.
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ADRIENN PAPP
he found such stones. In addition, two column bases were uncovered in the
middle of the garden. It was typical of the column bases that they had cavities
of around 10 cm in diameter in their centres to accommodate joining wooden
posts. These are typical architectural constituents of residences built in the
Ottoman period.29 These column bases, resting on foundations, were made of
blocks of stone neatly carved into truncated square pyramids. The column
bases by the walls, on the other hand, were all made of amorphous blocks
of stone, and their edges farthest from the walls were bevelled in several cases.
The two blocks of stone positioned in the centre of the garden were made of
fragments of a profiled medieval frame. One of the column bases located right
next to the eastern wall had been placed exactly underneath a loophole, making
it totally useless. (See Figure 3) The garden and the loopholes failed to function
simultaneously, thus the interior of the bastion had been deprived of its martial
character.
The column bases were the foundations of a roof support structure.
Ottoman miniatures that depict gardens show colonnades – usually roofed
and open on one side – running along the outer walls. They were often shown
running around all four walls of the gardens. Such a structure may have stood
beside the western wall of the bastion. If so, the colonnade must have been
located 2.5 metres from the wall built in the Árpád era and 12.5 metres long to
the north from the passageway. It may have been designed to support a roof
structure beside the western wall. Interestingly, the column bases were arranged
beside the wall, even though it would have sufficed to affix the roof structure to
the stone wall. This roof structure is thought to have been made of wood,
because nothing in the remnants found indicate the use of brick or stone.
In the central sector, many column bases were found in the proximity of the
southern wall of the bastion. There was presumably a roof about six metres
wide that ran along the entire southern end of the bastion. The eastern side
was rather odd. A foundation was built parallel to the wall but not a single
column was placed on it. It may have served to heighten the stone wall, because
it had been elevated only by 1.5 meters in the Ottoman period.
29 Adrienn Papp, ‘Ottoman Earth Architecture in Buda (1541–1686)’, in Stéphane Pradines
(ed.), Earthen Architecture in Muslim Cultures: Historical and Archaeological Perspectives. Leiden,
Boston, 2018, 249–266.
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AN OTTOMAN GARDEN – THE PALACE OF BEYLERBEYİS IN BUDA
Figure 3
Eastern wall with a loophole and a column base in front of it (Photo by Adrienn Papp)
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ADRIENN PAPP
Another interesting feature of the uncovered surface is a series of small
holes preserved in good condition in the scorched surface. Large iron posts
were found pinned into two of them. The holes densified throughout the
length of the bastion and its central axis. Their function may have been to
anchor textile sheets that provided shade or to support plants.
The thing that this garden lacked was a water well. The excavation uncovered
a pipe that must have drained water from the direction of the palace, but
neither casing nor water pipes were identified. Carrying water to Castle Hill
was an arduous task. Dug wells were of no avail even at the northern end of the
plot, and water extracted from the Danube was supplied to the palace.30 Next
to the cami (a converted Franciscan church) stood a fountain that was supplied
with water conveyed from the river. Water was most certainly conveyed to the
palace, for instance to its bath. Wells and basins were built in gardens not only
for the purpose of “mise en scène” and ambience but to water the plants. The
climatic conditions of Buda may have convinced the designers that digging
wells and constantly protecting them from frost would be an unnecessary
struggle. The irrigation problem was solved by other methods, such as the
collection of water in containers.31
Little is known about the plants and flora grown in this garden. There was
no room for trees; flowerbeds, possibly a fruit garden may have been cultivated
there instead. Some initial clues to the vegetation may be obtained from the
analysis – currently in progress – of samples taken from burned surfaces.
Regretfully, flower seeds failed to survive the fire. No wet environment suitable
for pollen analysis was identified. Therefore, the flowers that scented the garden
of the palace of beylerbeyis can only be ideated: according to the written sources,
most often roses, tulips and hyacinths,32 because these flowers were able to
grow in the climate of Buda, so they might well have decorated the garden.
30 Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, VI. 145.
31 In fact, containers of water extracted from the Danube were carried by horses to the public
bath on Castle Hill: Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, VI. 145.
32 Atasoy, Osmanlı Bahçeleri, 34–77.
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REGULATIONS AND PRACTICE:
FICTION AND REALITY IN OTTOMAN
HUNGARY
(THOUGHTS ON SOURCE CRITICISM)
Klára Hegyi
Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
tti.titkarsag@btk.mta.hu
Hungarian historians have tried to convince the world that the administra-
tion of Ottoman Hungary differed significantly from that of Ottoman lands
on the Balkan Peninsula, being full of local, individual characteristics.
The world believes this up to a point, but dismisses the rest as a national whim.
The differences, however, have a logical and simple explanation, and there is
sound evidence to back them up. Hungary was where Ottoman expansion on
the land of Europe came to a halt. Its territory was shared by three states: the
Ottoman Empire, the Habsburg Kingdom of Hungary and the Principality
of Transylvania, each of which constantly aspired to increase its sphere of
influence. At the same time as the Ottomans were imposing taxation on a
widening area of the kingdom, the nobility of the Hungarian parts of the
country did all it could to retain effective authority over the life of Ottoman
Hungary, reaching across the borders to do so. All three states possessed the
two prerequisites for exerting influence at that time: military force and
administration, of which the administration carried more weight. The national
and county authorities of the Hungarian Kingdom systematically assessed and
surveyed the border territories of Ottoman Hungary, and sometimes extended
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KLÁRA HEGYI
this activity into the central areas. Ottoman and Hungarian offices (and private
individuals on the Hungarian side) produced a mass of documentation in two
languages. Hungary is the only area of the Ottoman Empire for which the
defters may be compared against survey registers and reports of investigations
made by the opposite side. The parallel documents deal with the same
fortresses, towns and villages, and report on everything from military clashes
to everyday life. The archive material falls into two distinct periods, and there
are striking differences in content between the Ottoman and Hungarian
documents from the same time. There are plenty of Ottoman documents from
the sixteenth century, and although the sources for some sancaks are limited,
there is no topic or question which cannot be researched on the basis of
convincing archive material. Compared to this wealth, barely any Ottoman
material has survived from the seventeenth century, a period when the volume
of Hungarian sources steadily increased. In both periods, the content of sources
in the two languages is so different that, placed side by side, it is hard to believe
they were written about the same territory.
At first glance, the rich content and formal perfection of the Ottoman survey
registers seem very convincing. They contain everything: families that lived at
the time, production, taxes and landowners, and are apparently perfect. Their
weakness is that they give no scope for imperfection, change or chance, and they
conceal the cheating and juggling with numbers that was smuggled into the
documents, as well as the conflicts between sipahis and their tax-payers. They
reflect conditions tightly controlled by sub-sections of regulations, the orderly
world expected by the authorities, and not the more colourful, changing,
trouble-burdened reality of everyday life.
The latter is not ignored by the Hungarian sources, which are full of horror
stories. The officials of the Hungarian counties give long descriptions of
settlements sacked and burnt, and of their inhabitants murdered and taken
into captivity. It was under such duress that more and more towns and villages
undertook to pay Ottoman taxes. Investigative reports traced and recorded the
increase of the number and level of taxes, the imposition and reinforcement of
the corvée, and the unlawful demands of sipahis and emins collecting tax. Some
of the descriptions of increasing burdens and hardship are difficult to believe,
but there are two reasons for considering them credible. Firstly, over a period
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of several decades in the seventeenth century, county officials conducted
interviews with town and village foremen and the experienced elders about the
turns their lives had taken. As time passed and memory faded, these people’s
accounts became increasingly contradictory, but remained consistent in the
description of long-term changes. Secondly, the interviewees were answering
the questions under oath, and to give false testimony was, according to their
faith, to risk punishment not on Earth but in the fires of hell.
In the following pages, I will give a brief overview of the contradictions
between the Hungarian and Ottoman sources in five areas: 1. the rate at which
the territory subject to taxation increased; 2. ownership; 3. the methods and
suspicious points of survey registers; 4. taxation as described in defters and as
it was in practice, and 5. the effect that Hungarian methods of collecting tax
had on the Ottomans.
1. In the border areas, mufassal defteris registered a number of towns and
villages which the registrars, and the soldiers assisting them, had marked out
as targets for taxation but were not yet officially subject to tax. An estimated,
symbolic tax (ber vech-i tahmin) was imposed on these places.1 The
commissioners of the Hungarian border counties visited their territories
annually and counted the households subject to Hungarian military tax (Latin:
dica).2 In 1548, the Hungarian diet passed a law declaring that towns paying
tax to the Turks should be liable for only half the military tax.3 Accordingly, the
surveyors recorded whether a town or village was “subjected to the Turks”
(Latin: Turcis subjectus). The survey registers of these two kinds allow us to
trace precisely when Ottoman taxes were levied and in which areas. These
1 The earliest defters of the northern sancaks are: Estergon (Esztergom): Başbakanlık
Osmanlı Arşivi, İstanbul, Tapu Tahrir Defterleri [henceforth BOA TT. d.] 410, 104–157;
Novigrad (Nógrád): BOA TT. d. 982, 1–39; Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Wien, Orientalische Handschriften der Konsularakademie Nr. 291; Hatvan: Lajos Fekete, A hatvani szandzsák
1660. évi adóösszeírása. Jászberény, 1968; and Siçen (Szécsény): BOA TT. d. 293.
2 Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár, Magyar Országos Levéltár [hereafter MNL OL], Magyar Kamara
Archívuma, Conscriptiones Portarum E 158, in alphabetical order by county. Publication of dica
registers from the mid-16th century by Ferenc Maksay, Magyarország birtokviszonyai a 16. század
közepén. 2 vols. Budapest, 1990.
3 Sándor Kolozsvári and Kelemen óvári, Corpus Juris Hungarici / Magyar Törvénytár.
1526–1608. Budapest, 1899, 234.
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KLÁRA HEGYI
areas always extended beyond the military border marked out by the line of the
most advanced Ottoman fortresses. The distance between the military and
taxation borders increased steadily over time.
Analysis of Ottoman and Hungarian registers of the 1540–1560s point to
identical taxation areas, with only some minor discrepancies at the very edges.
Registers written in the 1570s, however, show notable differences. Mufassal
defteris from this time onwards describe towns and villages that had already
been surveyed and granted to landlords but were not yet paying tax as hali
(empty, uninhabited). The Hungarian surveys, however, registered the majority
of these as inhabited and subjectus. There was little direct state ownership in
border areas, the majority of the land and collectable tax being turned over to
sipahis and border soldiers, who imposed their will by military force (see point
2) and had the territory and the collectable income registered as if they were
not paying tax. For the ziamet- and timar-holders it was beneficial that they
possessed some of the villages assigned to their holdings with a nominally low
income but in practice they collected all the available taxes from them.
The mufassal defteris dried up in both the centre and the border area of
Ottoman Hungary in the course of the seventeenth century.4 The Long War
(1591–1606) greatly changed the military border in the north: The Ottomans
lost their fortresses north of Buda, including three sancak centres (Novigrad/
Nógrád, Siçen/Szécsény and Filek/Fülek), but won Eğri (Eger), which became
the centre of Ottoman Hungary’s third province (vilayet). Losing the centres
meant the temporary disappearance of sancaks and the collapse of Ottoman
taxation in them. The Ottomans had to win their territories back, but only
through the Hungarian survey registers can we trace the path of reconquest.
The war was concluded with the Treaty of Zsitvatorok (1606), which was
renewed several times in the following decades. At the negotiations that
preceded the renewals, the envoy of the Kingdom of Hungary arrived with
documents based on the reports of thorough investigations in the border
counties. These documents are gold mines. We learn from them that
immediately after the capture of Eğri (1596), the soldiers stationed there,
4 Pál Fodor, The Business of State: Ottoman Finance Administration and Ruling Elites in Transition. Berlin, 2018, 236–286.
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FICTION AND REALITY IN OTTOMAN HUNGARY
together with those in Estergon (Esztergom), forced the villages to the south
to pay tax, although initially at a restrained, low level. Although the peace
treaty of 1606 decreed that only towns and villages that had been paying tax
uninterruptedly since 1596 could be considered Ottoman subjects, the
subjugation of more and more places continued until the end of the Ottoman
period. It was pursued with the greatest violence and most unscrupulous
methods in the years just before the renewals of the treaty, so that the new
terms would sanction the takeover of the highest possible number of places.
The Hungarian negotiator never managed to annul these aggressive conquests.
The villages lived through the hardest decade before the last renewal of the
treaty in 1642. For example, in the years between 1632 and 1641, thirty-seven
villages in the central area of Gömör County yielded to Ottoman aggression.
A few of them were ransacked and burnt down, some villagers were killed, and
240 people from the four villages that suffered most were taken into captivity.
Having seen this, the majority of the thirty-seven villages decided to pay tax
“willingly”.5 On 12 August 1641, seven villages in the area of Nógrád County
just south of the Hungarian fortress of Kékkő were overrun by Ottoman
soldiers from Eğri, Buda and Hatvan. Most of them were torched (in the
largest village, thirty houses and twelve full barns were burnt to ashes), thirteen
people were cut down, shot or burnt to death, 248 villagers were taken into
captivity and 214 head of cattle and horses were driven off.6
By the 1650s, a combination of violent and bloodless occupation had
brought the whole territory of the counties located along the northern border
of Ottoman Hungary and the kingdom (Hont, Kishont, Zólyom, Gömör,
Torna and Borsod) under Ottoman taxation. The same fate befell two counties
in the northwest (Nyitra and Bars) and the southern half of two northeastern
counties (Abaúj and Zemplén).7
The Habsburg Kingdom of Hungary was considered the enemy even in
times of peace, and ransacking and dismembering its territory was not only
5 MNL OL Magyar Kancelláriai Levéltár, Magyar Királyi Kancellária regisztratúrája, Transylvanica A 98, Fasc. 13 [hereafter MNL OL A 98, Fasc. 13], pp. 945–949, 1133–1136.
6 MNL OL A 98, Fasc. 13, pp. 1181–1201.
7 MNL OL P 287, the Gácsi branch of the Forgách family, catalogued documents, box 33,
284–285.
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allowed, it was obligatory. The Principality of Transylvania, as a vassal state of
the sultans, came in for different treatment. At the end of the sixteenth century,
its tax boundary seems to have been stable. In the survey of the sancak of
Solnok (Szolnok) of 1591,8 the registrar included every village he had heard of
(to prove Ottoman claims with a defter), but even the line of villages registered
as “uninhabited’ was a long way from the Transylvanian fortresses. For example,
the settlements around (Nagy)Várad (Oradea) were registered as uninhabited
and thus not entered into the defter even as a claim, indicating some respect for
the principality’s territory.
This respect began to waver during the Long War, when Transylvania
attempted to break free and turned against Istanbul. Its army retook several
fortresses of the vilayet of Temeşvar (Temesvár) in 1595. In 1599, the Ottoman
military leadership unleashed the Tatar auxiliary army, which was stationed in
Ottoman Hungary, into the County of Bihar under Transylvanian authority
and then into the territory of the kingdom west of it. The Tatars burnt down
257 towns and villages, more than half of the 480 in the county.9 After the
restoration of the state of dependency, incidents of subjugation became
increasingly frequent during the first half of the seventeenth century, but only
rarely involved the atrocities that were so common in villages of the kingdom.10
The fate of Transylvania (and its northern border area) was decided by the war
which broke out in 1658 and the Ottoman capture of Várad in 1660: The
principality did not become an enemy, but was no longer treated with respect.11
2. In Ottoman Hungary, the conquerors introduced the same timar system
as they had in the Balkan Peninsula, but with modifications to suit the location
and the time.
The aim, as it was everywhere else, was to divide the income from the territory
among the treasury, the local elite, the conquering soldiers and the administrative
8
BOA TT. d. 634. The first part of the survey was published by Gábor Ágoston, ‘A szolnoki
szandzsák 1591–92. évi összeírása I–II’, Zounuk 3 (1988) 221–296; 4 (1989) 191–287.
9
MNL OL E 158, Vol. 8. 268–291.
10 MNL OL A Gyulafehérvári Káptalan Országos Levéltára, Miscellanea F 9, Cista 3, Fasc. 1,
No. 2.
11 The raids intended to subjugate settlements in Transylvania and the changes which took
place in the taxation of the subjugated villages have not yet been researched.
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class as efficiently as possible. As in the sixteenth century, the interests of the
treasury were considered supreme, and a close eye was kept on the differences
between the inner territories, which paid taxes regularly, and the border areas,
which – as a result of continuous military conflicts – were more unstable and
less reliable. In 1570, 66% of all tax income (not counting the cizye) from the
sancak of Segedin (Szeged) situated in the south of the vilayet of Buda went to
the treasury, and the figure was 100% for some nahiyes.12 In 1580, the treasury
also took the overwhelming share (78%) of the income from the sancak of
Buda.13 To the northeast, partly situated in the border zone, was the sancak of
Hatvan, where the proportions were the opposite: in 1580, the treasury only
claimed 29%.14 This not-quite-one-third came from the safe, rich part of the
sancak stretching into the Alföld (Hungarian Plain). The less reliable income
from the border zone was distributed among the sipahis and soldiers with salary
timars. In 1579, the treasury claimed only 3% of the total tax income of the
sancak of Novigrad, lying northwest of the sancak of Hatvan, along the border.15
Only one early icmal defteri from 1559 has survived on the distribution of the
income from the youngest northern sancak, Filek (Fülek).16 There, the treasury’s
share was 21%, a figure which must have decreased after 1570, when the infantry
of the fortresses started to be paid from collective estates and several securelypaying has towns belonging to the sultan were sacrificed for this purpose. We
have no figures for this, however.
The soldiers serving on the border of Ottoman Hungary and the Hungarian
Kingdom fought each other almost on a daily basis, and bore the responsibility
for subjugation or, on the other side, for its prevention. The Ottoman military
played a leading role along the border, and the state tried to favour them in every
possible way. Although there were real towns and bustling villages there, just
as there were further south in Ottoman Hungary, the Ottoman surveying
12 Gyula Káldy-Nagy, A szegedi szandzsák települései, lakosai és török birtokosai 1570-ben.
Szeged, 2008, 45–63: nahiye of Vaşarhel (Vásárhely).
13 BOA TT. d. 590.
14 BOA TT. d. 662.
15 Gustav Bayerle, Ottoman Tributes in Hungary According to Sixteenth Century Tapu Registers of Novigrad. The Hague, Paris, 1973, 95–110.
16 BOA TT. d. 335.
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commissioners registered them with low numbers of tax units (hanes). Their
total tax was also far below what was normal in other places. This practice can be
explained by two factors. The first is that the state authorities and landlords on
both sides were forced to restrain themselves in the border zone, since they had to
share the taxes they could extract from their subjects. The second is that, because
of these low taxes, Ottoman soldiers with timars guaranteeing the low annual
income of 6,000 akçes received four to six villages, some of which did not yet pay
tax and could almost certainly be forced to provide more than 6,000 akçes. The
state obliged them to collect this extra income and also to continuously increase
lawful taxes and introduced all kinds of new services, as we will see below.
The shortage of icmal defteris in the early decades of the seventeenth century
has left us with only a few timar ruznamçe defteris, containing fewer and fewer
annotations and thus scant information about the distribution of income and
the identity of the Ottoman landlords. Later, even these disappear and there is
no Ottoman archive material at all. Hungarian assessments, however, become
more numerous, particularly as the county foremen busied themselves in
preparation for every new peace negotiation, but also at other times. These
documents are rich sources, and make up for the paucity of the Ottoman
sources to a certain degree.
The three years between November 1593 and October 1596 are blank.
That was when the northern sancak centres were lost and Eğri was captured,
changes that caused the disappearance of the offices that had been responsible
for distributing the income. The new offices set up in Eğri carried on the same
rigid system for several decades, so that the estates they distributed among
claimants’ estates had exactly the same composition and income.17 The war
decimated the sipahis, new ones took their places, and the survivors of the war
also petitioned for increased pay. The lucky ones received a timar with at least
one or two villages located close enough to be easy to subjugate once more.
Those who had only been granted more distant villages, however, had to get by
as henchmen of their luckier peers, living mostly on robbery. These far-away
villages only came within reach during the period 1630–1660.
17 An icmal defteri drafted in 1650 indicates that the composition of the estates surely did
not change until 1650, and a few later annotations also indicate that no changes took place.
BOA TT. d. 791.
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Re-subjugation started gently. Recollections of town and village leaders
recorded a good twenty years later reveal that at first they were talked into
paying tax rather than forced into it. The first taxes were more like gifts: a few
florins (Latin: florenus) in cash, with a little butter and honey, and less frequently
corn. Usually, the village started paying tax to whoever subjugated it. Among
the first sipahis was a special group who were spoken of with scorn even decades
later: Hungarians who either converted to Islam or remained Christians but
entered Ottoman service (known by a term borrowed from Serbian: pribek).
They continued to provide essential services in later times, being able to
negotiate with the peasants.
The investigation reports reveal that the better villages were turned into the
sultan’s has (“reserved for the emperor”) in the 1620s, a period of consolidation.
Their affairs were then managed by emins. The governors of Eğri also appeared
as landlords, and just like the treasury, they picked out wealthy towns and
villages for themselves. In the interviews, the village foremen often identified
their landlords by name only, but sometimes also supplied their titles. Most of
these were sipahis (in Hungarian, with some distortion, “Mehemet ispaia”, for
example), the rest were officers and lieutenants, ağas and bölükbaşıs, many of
high rank, such as the janissaries and gönüllü ağasıs serving in Eğri. Very few
civilian timar-holders were mentioned; one of these was the head gardener and
tailor of the pasha. The number of soldiers gradually increased, and the reports
of Hungarian subjects reinforce the impression that soldiers were the main
lords and beneficiaries of the border area, even more so in the seventeenth than
in the sixteenth century. The treasury, on the other hand, appears less and less
frequently. The last investigative documents for the County of Gömör, drafted
in 1669, contain reports on 132 settlements.18 By then, the dwellers of only one
village named the emin as their tax collector, and they mentioned that they also
paid cizye.19 In the closing decades of the Ottoman occupation, the tax-payers
paid various state taxes, but their testimony indicates that it was the sipahis
18 Štátny archiv v Banskej Bystrici, Gemerská župa (1453) 1504–1803 (1914), kongregačné
spisy, sign. 53 (P. Z. 173), škatul’a č. 2 [henceforth ŠA v Banskej Bystrici P. Z. 173].
19 Neither was cizye mentioned when, in 1688, after the recapture of Buda, seventeen towns
and villages along the great bend of the Danube above Buda were interviewed about the taxes
they used to pay to the Ottomans. MNL OL E 156-a, 64/13.
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who set, collected and forwarded them – if they did forward them – to the
treasury or to the fortresses of Eğri or Uyvar (Érsekújvár/Nové Zámky). The
Hungarian investigations suggest that Ottoman state offices shook off the
burden of everyday tax collection.
The disintegration of the timar system shows up from a comparison of the
few ruznamçe defteris and the Hungarian investigations. The village did not
make payment to the person to whom it was officially assigned. Sometimes, this
even happened in the administration of the sultanic has. Several villages claimed
that they paid tax to the mother or wife of the sipahi, and even more said that,
after the death of their landlord, they became the property of the landlord’s
child and were taxed by his guardian. The best example is a village in the County
of Gömör, which was left to the widow of its sipahi.20 The woman remarried and
took the village into her new marriage as her dowry. As she was more experienced
in matters of taxation, the villagers stayed in touch with her. As noblewomen
were common among Hungarian landlords, the village foreman recounted the
affair quite naturally, for example: “Last year our Turkish lady took nine florins
from us as a fine, but did not deduct this from our tax.”21
3. On 28 September 1579, the court of Gömör County brought an interesting
decision. At the request of the villagers of Gedőkisfalud, it gave permission to
pull down an uninhabited house because its owner, who was living somewhere
else, would have had to pay tax if it had been included in the Ottoman survey
register that was being drafted. The court granted permission on condition that
the village should rebuild the house after the survey was concluded.22 This case
illustrates the fact that the Ottoman registrars went to the villages to count the
houses and heads of families and to survey the harvest – or at least their visit
could be expected. Another method appears in the defters of this period which is
very similar to that applied by officeholders of Hungarian counties who visited a
larger settlement and questioned the town and village foremen who had been
20 These interesting cases were also mentioned by Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor, ‘Changes in
the Structure and Strength of the Timariot Army from the Early Sixteenth to the End of the
Seventeenth Century’, Eurasian Studies 4:2 (2005) 168.
21 ŠA v Banskej Bystrici P. Z. 173, 121: Alsófalu.
22 Péter Tóth, Gömör vármegye közgyűlési jegyzőkönyveinek regesztái. Vol. 1: 1571–1579.
Miskolc, 1996, 221.
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summoned to meet them. A chapter title that recurs in cizye defteris points to
this method: “Villages which did not show up at the survey” (tahrire gelmeyen
kariyelerdir ki zikr olunur, or next to the name of some villages: na amed).
Whichever methods were used by the surveyors, the mufassal defteris can be
considered real surveys inasmuch as any population or tax survey in that period
could be complete and credible.
The mufassal defteris contain many contradictions, however, and these are
obvious even without Hungarian material for comparison. For decades, the
northern sancaks quarrelled over their borders and neighbours surveyed whatever
they considered as their own – with different results. The total tax of the village of
Bánhorvát, claimed by both Hatvan and Filek, was set at 1,513 akçes by the
surveyor from Hatvan and 1,218 akçes by the surveyor from Filek; for the village
of Berente, it was set at 2,512 akçes by the former and at 2,135 akçes by the latter.23
(These numbers also indicate that the tax rate was higher in the sancak of Hatvan,
only part of which lay on the border, than in Filek, located entirely on the border.)
Another suspicious feature of these documents is the apparently unchanging
composition of Ottoman high officials’ estates, which thus yield the same income
for decades. Rüstem Pasha enjoyed the same estates at the beginning and end of
service in Buda ( June 1559 to November 1563), and the taxes of the towns and
villages granted to him neither increased nor decreased by a single akçe.24 The
procedure is obvious and understandable: It would have been a pity to dismantle
and then reassemble the established estate of the pasha in Buda just for the
purpose of the new survey of 1562. Similarly, barely any changes were made in
the estate of the beys of Hatvan, and between 1570 and 1590, the estates of the
beys of Sigetvar (Szigetvár) serving in the southwest border zone were only
modified to follow their varying income by taking away or granting the occasional
village, but of the thirty-three towns and villages constituting the core of their
estate, the tax of only six changed in the course of these twenty years.25 A substantial
proportion of the estates of the Buda defterdars were in the sancak of Hatvan;
the population and taxes of these places changed very little between 1570 and
23 BOA TT. d. 335, pp. 11, 69 and 32, 69.
24 BOA TT. d. 329, pp. 12–14; TT. d. 354, pp. 15–16.
25 Éva Sz. Simon, A hódoltságon kívüli „hódoltság”. Oszmán terjeszkedés a DélnyugatDunántúlon a 16. század második felében. Budapest, 2014, 153–154.
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1622, and their final sum was always 82,000 akçes.26 The procedure is also
understandable in these cases, but casts doubt on the usefulness of the data on
population and production, which barely changed for decades.
Some counter-examples are villages transferred into the collective ownership
of the infantry of fortress garrisons in 1570. As the maintenance of garrisons
stationed in Ottoman Hungary was of the utmost importance, they were
usually assigned wealthy, well-paying villages. However, we cannot suppose
that they had enough vitality to explain the sharp increase in their taxes. The
village of Szűcsi was obliged to pay 400 akçes in tax in 1546, 7,913 in 1559,
9,015 in 1562, 18,000 in 1570, and 19,000 in 1580 and 1590; in the same
years, the total tax of the village of Jászladány was 1,273, 4,223, 8,220, 12,400
and 17,100 akçes respectively.27 The final sums were usually equivalent to what
was due to each garrison squad of müstafızes, topçus or azabs. Obviously, this
did not represent such a great increase in population, production or tithe; it
was simply that the village had to maintain a garrison.
There are less obvious but nevertheless suspicious assessments in sipahi
villages. The most onerous tax levied on the villages of Heves County, allocated
to the sancak of Hatvan, was the wheat tithe. In 1570, the nine heads of families
living in the village of Bő held the production record, each being obliged to
deliver a tithe of 26.7 kiles (684.6 kg). These figures imply that this tiny village
produced more than 6 tonnes of wheat. The opposite happened to the village of
Felsőerdőtelek, where the tithe levied on each of the 16 heads of families was
1.6 kiles (40 kg). The registrar found the annual yield of this village, almost
twice as populous, to be only 640 kg. His management of the other kinds of tax
was equally surprising. In the former village, he levied tax on every animal, fruit
and vegetable, while in the latter, he calculated a mere 200 akçes for all branches
of production. The final result is also interesting: The smaller village was
required to pay exactly twice as much tax as the richer one.28 The reason for his
26 Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien, Türkische Handschriften Mxt. 571, p. 102
[henceforth ÖNB Mxt.]; BOA TT. d. 662, p. 5; BOA Ruznamçe 419, p. 10.
27 Fekete, A hatvani szandzsák, 21, 79; BOA TT. d. 318, pp. 2–3; TT. d. 1003, pp. 27, 94;
Gustav Bayerle, A hatvani szandzsák adóösszeírása 1570-ből. Defter-i mufassal-i liva-i Hatvan.
Hatvan, 1998, 43, 90; BOA TT. d. 662, pp. 27, 50, 52, 66; TT. d. 823, pp. 24, 27, 66.
28 Bayerle, A hatvani szandzsák, 108, 118.
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procedure lies in the identity of the owners of the two villages. The landlord of
the bigger village, in both the 1570s and the 1580s, was one of the upcoming
zaims of the sancak, with bright prospects. His villages were registered with
taxes much lower than they actually yielded. The smaller village, heavily
burdened with wheat tithes, was passed from one beginner timar-holder to the
next in the 1560s. It belonged to an estate that – in a pattern repeated elsewhere
– was taken to pieces, reassembled and given to a rapid succession of new
owners,29 who were left to collect the impossible from it.
The mufassal and icmal defteris continually declare that they were made side
by side and that their former and future holders “helped” the surveyors. In the
1559 mufassals of the sancaks along the northern border,30 many villages had
the name of the holder registered beside them, although they had not yet got
to the end of the registration; indeed, it was never completed. In the 1590s, the
text of the timar ruznamçesis did not even hide the fact that the donations,
including the composition of estates, were double-checked with the holders.
Opportunities for corruption were embedded in this method, and the local
elite was particularly keen to take advantage of them. An illustrative example,
which is paralleled with Hungarian documentation, concerns Felnémet, north
of Eger. During the 1552 siege of Eger, the village was devastated. From then
until 1570, it was declared a deserted area (mezra) with the annual income of
4,480 akçes and allocated to timars. Thereafter, still designated as an uninhabited
village, its tax was set at 5,800 akçes and it was owned by the beys of Hatvan.
According to the Hungarian survey registers, the village was resettled within a
year. There were sixty-four peasant families living there in 1553, and in 1556,
ninety-six people paid Hungarian wheat tithes and several hundred paid wine
tithes.31 The beys must have made a huge profit from the estates. Eventually,
however, Kara Üveys Pasha of Buda introduced strict measures that terminated
this undeclared income. The village could no longer be hidden among the
29 ÖNB Mxt 571, p. 285; BOA Ruznamçe 42, p. 5; ÖNB Mxt 579, pp. 27, 43, 163; BOA
TT. d. 662, p. 38.
30 BOA TT. d. 318.
31 Imre Soós, Heves megye községei 1867-ig. Eger, 1975, 203; Péter Bán (ed.), Dézsmajegyzékek. Heves és Külső-Szolnok vármegye, 1556 . Eger, 1998, 29–37, 87–89.
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“deserted” villages; it was properly registered, and from 1580, now called a
town, it was part of the bey’s estate with a tax of 42,726 akçes.32
4. The greatest contradiction is between the taxes officially registered in survey
registers and the dues that were actually demanded. The mufassal defteris had the
same structure in Hungary as they had in the Balkan Peninsula. First, they stated
the cash amount payable by the town or village (resm-i kapu), followed by the
tithes on crops and livestock, stipulated in both quantity and money. The list
concluded with numerous small cash tax items (fines, marriages, taxes on deserted
areas, mills, fishponds and so on). The registers are utterly convincing, because
they give the impression that the dues were adjusted to the size and production
of the villages. When we try to use these sources, however, we get the feeling that
something is amiss, even without the Hungarian material for comparison. The
most important branch of agriculture in sixteenth-century Hungary – and the
best guarantee of its survival through the two hundred years of war – was cattle
breeding. This took up large amounts of energy and labour and was highly
remunerative. And yet the Ottoman state claimed only the customs duties due
on the export of this commodity. This revenue increased until the seventeenth
century, during which it gradually declined. The owners of the places where cattle
were bred claimed only the tax on the grazing pastures. How did this happen?
The transformation of farming by the Hungarian nobility throughout the
country lead to an increase in the use of corvée. Should we believe that only the
sipahis refrained from it because it was not included in the registers? Nor did the
registers include honey or butter. Does it mean that the Ottomans did not use
anything to sweeten or fatten their victuals?
After Hungarian forces recaptured many fortresses from the northern
sancaks in late 1593, the counties engaged in a feverish round of investigations.
To find out what kind of income they could count on from the territories
liberated from Ottoman taxes (only temporarily, but they were not to know
that), they thoroughly questioned the inhabitants about the dues that the
Ottomans had extracted from them.33 The several hundred answers reflect
32 BOA TT. d. 662, p. 4.
33 MNL OL E 156-a 6/59, 11/34r, 24/76, 24/79, 57/42, 59/13, 65/84r, 86/3r, 106/75,
106/76, 108/66, 110/64v, 117/69; Richard Marsina and Michal Kušík, Urbáre feudálnych panstiev na Slovensku. Vol. 1: XVI. storočie. Bratislava, 1959.
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much adjustment to local habits and conditions and bear few similarities to the
system officially laid down in the Ottoman survey register. This is further
evidence that peasant services were above all defined by the needs and ideas of
the soldier-landlords.
Let us start with state taxes. Two of the dues mentioned most often were
direct state taxes: the cizye and the short-lived “sword money” (kılıç akçesi,
Latin: pecunia gladialis).34 What stands out is that instead of the standard sums
prescribed by the treasury, which applied to everyone, these were collected in
endlessly varying amounts. The cizye, despite being the most precisely-defined
state tax, was levied at rates varying from half to three florins per hane, most
often between one and one and a half florins. The sword tax was also applied
at varying rates and collected at wildly different intervals (although that may be
considered natural for an extraordinary military tax). Behind the inconsistencies,
one suspects – even in the sixteenth century – the arbitrary behaviour of emins
and sipahis.
For the landlords, the most important dues were the items paid in cash,
many of which were unknown to defters. Some of these were levied on religious
practices: “church tax” (resm-i kilise, Latin: parochialis), which might have been
a state tax; “priest money” (sacerdotalis), “disbelievers’ tax” (barbarus), and
“schoolmaster tax”(?) (lector). They borrowed from the Hungarian system the
lucrative tax on inn-keeping and wine-selling (educillationis). The village’s
“negotiated” tax, the summa, was made up mostly of money and to a lesser
extent of produce in defined quantities; the amount of the summa rose
everywhere as time went by.
Hungarian surveys make the way sipahis collected tax seem a lot simpler
than what the Ottoman registers tell us. Roughly speaking, the towns and
villages divided into three main groups: Those from whom the landlord
demanded tithes in produce rather than cash, or levied only negligible sums;
those from whom he demanded as much money as possible; and the smallest
group, who paid both in cash and produce. The different forms taken by this
tax burden in this description remind us of the diversity of survey registers.
What all three groups had in common was that they provided large quantities
34
On this, see Fodor, The Business of State, 232.
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of both butter and honey. They differed, however, in whether or not they
performed corvée, and if so, how much.
The reason for the differences unquestionably lies in the distances from
Ottoman fortresses. In Ottoman Hungary, especially in the border areas, no
sipahi lived in any of the towns belonging to his estate, as the raiding Hungarian
forces would have beaten him to death. They all lived within the protective
walls of the fortresses and had their dues brought to them there: Produce and
free labour from the nearby villages, and money from the more distant ones.
When plotted on the map, the various taxation items clearly fall into zones.
Areas in the close vicinity of fortresses were characterized by tithes of produce
and heavy corvée. Going further out, we find a zone where the emphasis was on
tax in cash, complemented with a certain amount of produce, primarily butter
and honey, and often with livestock (this is where we find the cattle being
brought in as tax) and corvée. In the outer zones there was less and less butter
and honey, and the corvée disappeared (“because they lived too far away”).
There, tax in cash predominated, and became increasingly onerous as time
went by. Naturally, we cannot talk in terms of circles of increasing radius in a
regular pattern measurable in kilometres and with no exceptions. The villages
in the fortress districts of Filek, Siçen, Novigrad, Keköy (Kékkő) and Divin
(Divény) usually fitted into this scheme, but the village of Tard, located far
from the fortress of Canfeda ( Jászberény), did not; its inhabitants claimed to
be paying tax in kind because their landlords, the infantry of the fortress,
“appreciate money less”.35
Corvée benefited two masters: the state and the landlord. Ottoman
fortresses and their civilian towns were maintained with the unpaid labour of
their subjects. People doing corvée repaired battlements, cleaned trenches,
transported building material and built houses. They primarily supplied the
sipahis with hay and wood, and – not so often at this point – cultivated their
vineyards.
The Hungarian county investigations enable us to trace the development of
taxes and dues almost throughout the seventeenth century. These bore gradually
decreasing resemblance to the directives of the previous century’s mufassal
35
MNL OL 156-a, 106/75, p. 24.
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defteris, which – in the absence of new surveys – remained the norm in theory,
but faded into the past, to be replaced by thousands of new demands.
The first half of the century was spent re-conquering the border area. The
towns and villages which fell victim started their second Ottoman era with
symbolic dues. Their situation became dire and their burden heavy when the
trouble blew over them and moved to north, so that they became regular taxpayers. The dues were set by negotiations and agreements between the sipahis
and tax-payers. In contemporary terminology, they “reached an accord”. This
accord changed with each new landlord, but incorporated any increase in taxes
made by the previous landlord (although such an increase was unlikely to have
been written down). Every new bargain carried new obligations, and it would
be naïve to imagine that the two parties ever met on equal terms. A settlement
could only pull any weight if, as a last resort, all the inhabitants were prepared
to move away, leaving the town or village deserted. In such cases, the sipahi
went after them, luring them back home with a new bargain involving lower
taxes. Few settlements undertook such an elaborate method, being fully aware
that, in a few years’ time, everything would start again.
The inhabitants went through several periods of change in the first half of
the seventeenth century. The 1606 Treaty of Zsitvatorok declared that the
noble inhabitants of towns and villages under Ottoman taxation were, from
then on, free in person and property, and exempt from Ottoman taxation. In
the 1620s, however, the authorities obliged the nobles, sometimes as a body,
sometimes as individuals, to pay taxes. Although the reform only affected a
fraction of the nobility, it terrified both peasants and lords. At the same time,
the sultanic has estates were being carefully selected; this unleashed the state
tax-collectors, the often-changing, unscrupulous and corrupt emins, on
numerous villages.36 In the 1630s – a decade already made miserable by
increasingly frequent violent subjugation – the burdens increased frighteningly:
The existing dues, especially the corvée, increased year by year, and many new
obligations were introduced.37
36 The reports of investigation of the first three decades of the century: MNL OL A 98, fasc.
13, pp. 798–808 (material of the year 1627), pp. 936–948 (material of the year 1634).
37 For the 1630s: MNL OL A 98, fasc. 13, pp. 936–948, 1125–1143.
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Added almost everywhere to the original dues of wheat, hay, butter and
honey were livestock (oxen, beef cattle, dairy cows and cows with calves, calves,
and lambs), firewood, and a range of horticultural produce from lentils to dried
fruit. Wine was also on the list, and the peasants increasingly complained that
they had to cultivate the sipahi’s vineyard. In forested areas, beams, planks and
shingles were quite often officially part of the summa, although presumably
used for buildings belonging to the state, while in the vicinity of mines, wrought
iron, horseshoes, hoes, nails, iron-rimmed cart wheels, and occasionally
weapons appeared. The demands extended to all kinds of raw materials and
manufactured products: copper, harnesses, wild animal pelts, fur-lined coats,
mineral salt, millstones, falcons, pots, soap, knives, and even expensive imported
products such as English cloth, other foreign textiles, and pepper. Of all these,
only a few had been required by the sixteenth-century mufassal defteris.
The cash part of the summa increased continuously, and another two
lucrative sources of income added by the tax collectors became the target of
complaints made en masse by subjects in both the border areas and the interior
of Ottoman Hungary. They went as far as Istanbul to seek redress. Survey
registers from earlier times considered fines from a village as part of the sipahis’
lawful income, but seventeenth-century punishments for crimes do not seem
to have been the continuation of these. The sipahi could levy a fine on the
village if the villagers delivered the tax late, missed the day of the corvée or were
involved in fighting, or just at random, for crimes that never happened. The
sum paid annually was higher than the yearly summa. The other idea was to
collect a vast sum of blood money if the head of the family died of natural
causes, as if it had been a murder, and the family’s horse or cow was held as
surety until they paid up. In the County of Bihar, which bordered the
Principality of Transylvania, the sipahi made the foreman of one village swear
that he would report even quarrels; should he not do so, he would be beaten to
death. Another sipahi expected the heads of families in his village to leave
something valuable to him in their wills.38
38 MNL OL A Gyulafehérvári Káptalan Országos Levéltára, Magyar Kamara Archívuma,
Miscellanea F 9, Cista 3, Fasc. 1, No. 2, p. 14r: Brondaszó, p. 10v: Mezőgyán.
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Corvée became the most serious grievance in the middle of the seventeenth
century, in both the border areas and the interior of Ottoman Hungary.39 The
1641 investigation in one of the processuses (járás: district) of the County of
Bars, north of Esztergom included a calculation of the expenses of the corvée.
In the various towns and villages, these constituted between 28% and 89% of
all dues that could be expressed in money.40 Previously, labour had primarily
meant transportation (carrying coal, wood and building material) and building
work, but these tasks had been overtaken by field work (ploughing, sowing,
harvesting and reaping), cultivating vineyards, and tending animals. The
peasants called these tasks “never-ending”, often causing them to fall behind
with the farming of their own lands. The change clearly indicates that in the
long peaceful period of the first part of the century, sipahis set up their own
farms in the vicinity of their dwellings, on which they used the unpaid labour
of their tax-payers to produce food needed for their households. With luck,
they also had some surplus to sell at the market.
Between 1658 and 1664, war raged again in Hungary, first in Transylvania,
and then against the kingdom. The Ottomans took Varad in 1660 and Uyvar
in 1663; both became centres of vilayets. The capture of these two vitally
important border fortresses led to two very difficult decades for the inhabitants
of Ottoman Hungary. The military forces were reinforced, boosting their selfconfidence, and the authorities gave them a free hand in everything, including
the licence to steal.
Uyvar became the strongest garrison against Vienna, and even the taxpayers of the southern areas had to contribute to its maintenance. They took
food to the garrison of nearly three thousand troops, a task levied by the state
(in every part of Ottoman Hungary this task was called “carting to Uyvar”).
Another novelty of the period was making the “extraordinary war taxes” (avarız,
sürsat, iştira) regular in Ottoman Hungary (in the Latin–Hungarian
terminology, subjects universally called this item of tax “porte money”).
39 The County of Pest more or less corresponded to the sancak of Buda. There, too, the most
frequent complaint was about corvée. The 1668 investigation of the county was published by
István Purjesz, ‘A török hódoltság Pest megyében a XVII. század második felében (Pest megye
1668. évi vizsgálati jegyzőkönyve a török ellen)’, Levéltári Közlemények 28 (1958) 173–200.
40 MNL OL A 98, Fasc. 13, pp. 1002–1008.
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KLÁRA HEGYI
The report of an investigation in the County of Gömör, in the northern
border area, has survived from this period.41 In early 1669, the county officials
asked questions about the changes that had taken place since the Peace Treaty
of Vasvár, concluded in 1664. The foremen of villages and towns gave a brief
account of the further increase in the dues customarily payable to landlords
and the appearance of new ones. Two new state taxes recur in their stream of
complaints. They paid the avarız in cash, and surprisingly, the majority of
villages also paid off the “carting to Uyvar” in cash, modifying its name to “hiring
carts for Uyvar”. Their reports make clear that both were ordered by the sipahi;
he decided how often they should be collected, and fixed the varying amount.
He also took the money, and how much of it he delivered to Eğri and Uyvar is
unclear. The whole of the investigative material speaks of tyranny and
vulnerability, which also shows up in the manipulation of the money itself.
Taxes were calculated in silver and gold, while the peasants usually only had
copper coins of little value. The sipahis exchanged these at a reduced rate, a
little trick that could increase their income by 10–20%.
5. The official system of land ownership and taxation that can be
reconstructed from the mufassal and icmal defteris in Ottoman Hungary went
through significant alterations in practice, especially in the border areas, mainly
because the territory remained a war zone throughout the Ottoman period.
Additionally, several points of day-to-day procedures were clearly adapted to
the local Hungarian habits.
The disintegration of the timar system was probably accelerated by the
sipahis’ realization that the Hungarian nobles exercised full rights over their
own estates. The sipahis must also have been influenced by how Hungarian
landlords who were dissatisfied with the dues paid by their peasants set up
their own farms. These farms were cultivated with corvée and provided income
for the landlords. The sipahis also took a fancy to some Hungarian taxes and
happily adopted them. In the northern border areas, “porte money” was being
collected as early as the 1630s, a time when – according to the accounts of the
peasants – the Hungarian counties also levied military tax. This seems to have
been mere copying to begin with, and only after 1660 was the term transferred
41
ŠA v Banskej Bystrici P. Z. 173.
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FICTION AND REALITY IN OTTOMAN HUNGARY
to the avarız and other taxes of the same kind. Some villages near fortresses,
which paid tithe and did corvée, gave detailed accounts of how their obligations
were regulated. The dues were adapted to the villagers’ financial situation and
the division of labour, very reminiscent of the way in which the urbarium, a
kind of Hungarian economic document, regulated the relationship between
Hungarian nobles and their serfs, the taxes and labour.
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ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE
OF MEZŐKERESZTES IN THE PINELLI
COLLECTION OF THE BIBLIOTECA
AMBROSIANA IN MILAN
Zsuzsa Kovács
Freelance researcher
k.bregano@gmail.com
Gian Vincenzo Pinelli (1535–1601),
son of a wealthy Genoese merchant
family that had settled in Naples, moved to Padua in 1558 to study law, but
never got as far as taking his doctorate. Instead, he pursued independent
studies, satisfying his diverse interests. His reputation as a scholar caused his
house in Padua – where he lived until his death – to become a meeting place for
intellectuals who came to the city. He set up a botanical garden and collected
minerals, fossils, astronomical and optical instruments, maps, ancient coins
and portraits of famous persons. His collection of ten thousand books and
manuscripts was almost unparalleled in Europe. Through his wide-ranging
international correspondence, he linked up scholars in Italy with those north
of the Alps, establishing an extensive information system for the exchange of
ideas and news, as the enormous number of letters surviving in his collection
attest.
Besides the works of philosophy, theology and science in his universal
collection, one of the largest thematic groups consists of political/diplomatic
1
1 For a biography with bibliography, see Marco Collegari, ‘Pinelli, Gian Vincenzo’, in
Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani. Vol. 83. Roma, 2015. http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/
gian-vincenzo-pinelli_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/.
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documents from Italian and European courts and reports (Avvisi) from various
cities, documenting Pinelli’s particular interest in current events.
After Pinelli’s death, one third of his books and manuscripts were lost as the
result of various vicissitudes, but in 1608, Cardinal Federico Borromeo managed
to purchase the rest, laying the foundations of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.
The manuscripts, most of them copies that Pinelli acquired from diverse
places via his correspondence were bound into volumes. These codices often
contain more than a hundred documents, some grouped thematically or
chronologically, but in most cases mixed and unsorted. Consequently, a study
of documents on one subject or period demands a systematic search.
The collection includes manuscripts on the geography, history and financial
affairs of the Ottoman Empire and also on the religion and customs of Turks.
(There were also pictures of Ottoman emperors in the portrait collection.)2
Some codices contain several documents on this subject, grouped together,3
but most are scattered among several dozen volumes of miscellaneous content
(such as a copy of Felix Petancius’s writing on the Turks, most recently studied
by Géza Dávid).
More is known on the Hungary-related manuscripts in the collection. Some
pre-1550 documents of Hungarian interest in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana are
registered in the Vestigia database, and these include manuscripts in Pinelli
codices.4 Most of the collection, however, consists of contemporary documents
dating from after the 1560s, and although some individual manuscripts and
even substantial groups from this period are known to Hungarian researchers,5
they have not yet been studied systematically from a Hungarian viewpoint.
2 For the list of the portrait collection, see S 93 sup., fols. 175r–187r.
3 D 484 inf., G 56 inf., Q 116 sup., R 125 sup.
4 See http://vestigia.hu/kereses/?l=&t=&BAMi&mind&kifejezes=pinelli&BAMi&mind&
kifejezes=pinelli.
5 Giacomo Bascapé, who has published several manuscripts containing descriptions of Transylvania, mostly from the Pinelli collection, has indicated many codices that contain documents
concerning the general, military and cultural history of Transylvania. See Giacomo Bascapè, Le
relazioni fra l’Italia e la Transilvania. (Pubblicazioni dell’Istituto per l’Europa Orientale, 2. serie:
Politica, storia, economia, 20.) Roma, 1931. One of the most significant groups of Hungary-related manuscripts, the letters and other writings of Nicasius Ellebodius, who corresponded
with Pinelli from Pozsony, are currently under study.
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Among the manuscripts on contemporary events in the Pinelli collection,
besides news from the Italian courts and the Dutch war, there is a substantial
group of letters and other writings concerning Ottoman expansion and wars
against the Turks, and many of these come from the Hungarian theatre of
operations. More than eighty documents in various codices have survived from
the last ten years of Pinelli’s life, the time of the Long War (1593–1606), in
which Italian forces played a substantial part. They are reports of Ottoman
and Christian military strength, descriptions of forts, castle sieges and battles,
letters from rulers and officers of various rank, speeches, political and strategic
analyses, diplomatic instructions, and many Avvisi from Constantinople,
Vienna, Pozsony (Bratislava) and the theatre of war.6
Several reports have survived of an Ottoman-Christian clash of 1596, one of the
most important in terms of its long-term effects, the Battle of Mezőkeresztes:7
S 103 sup./16, fols. 242r–243v: Relatione di un gentil’huomo di Urbino venuto
di Ongaria et capitato a Vicenza alli 24 9bre 1596 dal Conte Carlo Tiene. Inc.:
Doppo preso Attuano che fu alli 3 di 7bre… Expl.: ...con tutto che l’inimico passasse
M/100 soldati da combattere.
6 Most documents known to researchers of Ottoman Hungary are those manuscripts noted
by Bascapè. It was his discovery, for example, that led to the publication of a report on the siege
of Esztergom in 1595: Chiara Maria Carpentieri and Armando Nuzzo, ‘Egy olasz szemtanú
beszámolója Balassi Bálint haláláról’, in Lymbus. Magyarságtudományi Forrásközlemények 2011.
Budapest, 2012, 53–83.
7 The battle was the subject of several accounts and related corpuses published at the turn
of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but it received little attention later. It returned to
the centre of attention in the last fifteen to twenty years. Some major publications: Sándor
László Tóth, A mezőkeresztesi csata és a tizenöt éves háború. Szeged, 2000; Sándor József Lénárt,
„Őszi ködben múló remények”. Mezőkeresztes 1596. [Mezőkeresztes], 2000; Kelenik József,
‘A mezőkeresztesi csata (1596. október 26.)’, in Róbert Hermann (ed.), „Fegyvert s vitézt...”
A magyar hadtörténet nagy csatái. Budapest, 2003, 111–129; Günhan Börekçi, Macaristan’da Bir
Osmanlı Padişahı. Sultan III. Mehmed’in Eğri Seferi Rûznâmesi (1596). İstanbul, 2016; Feridun
M. Emecen, ‘1596. Sonucu Olmayan Büyük Zafer: Haçovası Meydan Savaşı’, in Feridun M.
Emecen and Erhan Afyoncu, Savaşın Sultanları. Osmanlı Padişahlarının Meydan Muharebeleri.
Vol. 2. Ed. by Coşkun Yılmaz. İstanbul, 2018, 65–145.
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(The entry on the strengths of various military units on fol. 243v were
probably not part of the report, and its figures conflict with those in the
text.) The report of a gentleman of Urbino who came from Hungary and
visited Count Carlo Thiene in Vicenza on 24 November 1596. The author
is unknown. (Probably he was not one of the Genga brothers of Urbino who
served the prince of Transylvania. Simone Genga fought in the Battle of
Mezőkeresztes but did not return to Italy,8 and it is clear from the report that
its author was fighting in Maximilian’s army and not with the forces of the
prince of Transylvania.) The text of the report is published in translation at
the end of the chapter.
S 103 sup./19, fols. 246r–247r: Di Cassovia a dì 28 8bre 1596. L’arciduca
Massimiliano all’Imperatore. Inc.: Alli 22 del corrente, come il giorno precedente
ne diedi avviso… Expl.: ...ma è stato liberato et ora è arivato a Filech.
A newsletter sent by Giovanni Battista Corona – captain-general of
Gradiška, which at that time belonged to Graz – to an unknown recipient.
A note appended at the end informs of its origin: “This is all I could make out
from Archduke Maximilian’s letter to the emperor, subsequently sent to our
sovereign [Ferdinand II, archduke of Further Austria, with his seat in Graz,
later king of Hungary], which the Nuncio showed me.”
Italian translation of a known report of Archduke Maximilian.9
S 103 sup./20–21, fols. 249r–250v: Di Cassovia li 29 8bre 1596. Inc.: Alli 18
corrente ci congiongessimo con la persona del Transilvano… Expl.: ...che il re si sia
salvato, e tutti fecero il medesimo.
A newsletter in the customary form, with the location and date as title, and
omitting the signature and addressee of the original letter. The first-personsingular narration of the events of the battle in the report suggests that the
original letter was written by an Italian officer in the army of Archduke
8 Gianluca Masi, Nuovi documenti riguardanti la presenza di Simone Genga in Transilvania.
(Istros, 18.) Brăila, 2012, 354.
9 Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 8969, 144. Hungarian translation in
Gusztáv Gömöry, ‘Miksa főherczeg jelentése Rudolf császár és magyar királyhoz a mezőkeresztesi csatáról’, Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 5 (1892) 394–399.
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Maximilian after they retreated to Kassa (Košice). The text of the letter was
subsequently probably disseminated in several copies. One variant is a report
held in Venice, published by Hurmuzaki under the title “Relazione della
battaglia”,10 and another, the battle description in the Melfi letter discussed
below. The Venetian variant is the most distant descendant of the original
letter, and is missing several details that appear in the other two. (Among these
are sentences that excuse Maximilian from responsibility for the defeat: “It was
to the great shame and loss of the poor archduke, who was not at fault in this,
that some prompted him to turn and run as the battle went on into the night
and nobody was chasing him… There were two who persuaded the archduke
to cross the ford, the prince of Transylvania and Pálffy, saying that victory
was ours. After the said error there was another, and greater mistake: they
prompted the archduke to flee, and to run away after crossing the ford, because
if he had only stopped, he could have gained control of the chaos.”)
This variant would also be worth publishing.
S 103 sup./20–21, fols. 250v–251r: Copia d’una lettera scritta al duca di Baviera
dal colonello O. G. Di Cassovia 29 ottobre 1596. Inc.: Mi dispiace infinitamente
avisare Vostra Alteza… Expl.: ...Vi è restato morto il Signor di Bletimbergh
[Plettenberg] di una archibusciata avuta in fronte.
The copy does not preserve the addressee, and gives name of the writer of
the letter only in abbreviated form.
Colonel O. G. (?) was probably the leader of the Bavarian forces in the battle.
In his letter to Elector Maximilian I of Bavaria,11 he briefly summarizes the
events of the battle and appraises its outcome, reporting the death of Count
Plettenberg, commander of the Bavarian infantry, who fought in the battle.12
10 Eudoxiu de Hurmuzaki, Documente privitóre la Istoria Românilor. Vol. 3, Part 2: 1576–1600.
Bucuresci, 1888, 224–225.
11 He was probably the addressee, although it was only in the following year that his father,
William V, officially abdicated the title of elector in his favour.
12 Plettenberg was a colonel in the Bavarian infantry; cf. Cesare Campana, Delle historie del
mondo. Vol. 2. Venetia, 1597, 50.
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G 271 inf./102, ff. 156r–159r: Letter of Antonio dall’Oglio to Francesco
Cololongo in Venice, Kassa, 30 October 1569. Inc.: Per la mia bona fortuna son
gionto a Cassovia… Expl.: … il tempo li dirà, facendo fine.
Mario Pozzi published some excerpts from the letter in his book on
Filippo Pigafetta,13 Pigafetta (of Vicenza) having sent a copy of the letter to
Belisario Vinta, secretary of Grand Duke Ferdinando de’ Medici of Tuscany
on 6 December 1596, with the comment: “I herewith send you a letter from
our Captain Antonio dall’Oglio of Vicenza, who was present at the defeat of
the Christians, and in my opinion it contains many important details that are
worthy of the attention of your highness.”14 Given the close relations between
Pigafetta and Pinelli, it is reasonable to suppose that the copy of the letter in
the Pinelli collection originates from Pigafetta, or vice versa.
Antonio dall’Oglio is known to have already fought in the Hungarian
theatre of war, having been a captain in the siege of Esztergom in 1595.15
He arrived in Fülek, the rendezvous point for the Christian armies, with the
troops of Archduke Maximilian, and we learn from the letter that in the battle,
where he was wounded, he fought alongside Margrave Karl von Burgau. He
tells the story in detail and with passion. The account is all the more valuable
for its closeness to dall’Oglio’s original letter, a direct or at most secondary copy,
unlike the other battle descriptions formed into newsletters, which come from
texts that have been copied several times and altered, with the attendant losses.
– It would certainly be worth publishing the full text of the letter.
G 271 inf./103, fols. 160r–162r: Letter of the Austrian provincial and
ultramontane visitor Giuseppe Melfi to the rector of the Society of Jesus in
Mantua, Vienna, 9 November 1596. Inc: Molte cose potrei addurre in escusatione
13 Mario Pozzi (ed.), Filippo Pigafetta consigliere del Principe. Vol. 1: La questione turca. Vicenza, 2004, 76–78.
14 Pozzi (ed.), Filippo Pigafetta, Vol 2: Lettere del periodo mediceo, 154.
15 Giovanni Nicolò Doglioni, Historia delle guerre d’Ungheria. Cremona, 1598, 316; Campana, Delle historie, 719, 727–729; Florio Banfi, ‘Gianfrancesco Aldobrandini magyarországi hadivállalatai’, Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 40:1 (1939) 26–27. (Banfi – erroneously – describes him
as a Florentine captain.)
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di questa mia si lunga tardanza… Expl.: …all’orazioni de’ quali similmente mi
raccommando.
The part of the letter reporting on the battle is in fact a variant of the text
of the newsletter written in Kassa on 29 October, with some minimal changes
in expression and formal alterations (the narrative is given in the third person
instead of the first person singular, and is divided into paragraphs according to
the days), with single-sentence comments appended to the text in two places.
S 98 sup., fols. 256r–270v: Narratione di quantto è seguito in Ungheria del 1596
fatta per ordine dell’Arciduca Massimiliano. Arciducis Maximiliani, Ad principes
christianos narratio rerum gestarum in Hungaria anno 1596. Inc.: Quandoquidem
a multis fide dignis … Expl.: …ad eos provocamus qui consilijs, rebusque gestis
interfuere. (Contains a description of the battle: fols. 263r–267v.)
The codex containing this manuscript was probably also part of the Pinelli
collection. In his Hungarian historical corpus,16 Kulcsár Péter identifies it
– erroneously – as a report held in codex 8969 in Vienna. Another copy of
Archduke Maximilian’s text is held in the Biblioteca Casanatense.17
appendix
Relatione di un gentiluomo di Urbino venuto di Ongaria et capitato a Vicenza
alli 24 9bre 1596 dal Conte Carlo Tiene18
||242r|| [1] Doppo preso Attuano che fu alli 3 di 7bre, sentendosi l’esercito del
Turco con innumerabile gente, così dicevano, essere arrivato a Sonlek, si risolse
la Maestà Cesarea del Re Massimiliano ritirarsi con l’esercito suo alli confini
dell’Austria per poter ricevere gli aiuti, che gli veniva dato intentione di darli
16 ‘Inventarium de operibus litterariis ad res Hungaricas pertinentibus ab initiis usque ad
annum 1700’, http://www.balassikiado.hu/BB/netre/Netre_kulcsar/Anno.htm.
17 Roma, Biblioteca Casanatense, Manoscritti, Ms. 712/5, fols. 51r–60v (see https://manus.
iccu.sbn.it//opac_ SchedaScheda.php?ID=15652).
18 I have expanded the abbreviations in transcribing the text; the division of the sentences
and the punctuation are mine; and I have followed modern norms in compounding or separating words, and the use of upper and lower case, and in marking the ‘h’.
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dalle provincie insieme di Alemagna, lasciando in Ongaria Superiore il signor
Tifempoch, generale di quella parte con le sue genti, et con ordine di giungerne
quel maggior numero che potette, inviando il signor luogotenente Conte della
Torre con il suo regimento in Agria. [2] E poi certificato magiormente Sua
Maestà che il campo nemico era per fare quella impresa, vi mandò il signor
Conte Tersica con 600 moschettieri et il capitano Claudio Coccorani magiore
di Sua Maestà Cesarea, li quali entrorono felicemente, ancorchè avessero
sempre alle spalle li tartari, che la magior parte del camino gli accompagnorno.
[3] Ritirato che fu Sua Maestà con l’esercito alla sponda del Danubio, credendo
tardare le provisioni di Alemagna, et forsi raffreddare, poiché vedevano
l’inimico impiegato in altra parte, et essendo avisato dal Prencipe di Transilvania,
che sarebbe venuto agiuntarsi con Sua Maestà con assai buon numero delle sue
genti, quando avesse voluto far presto ritorno in Ongaria Superiore, avendo per
prima Sua Maestà dato ordine al signor Palfi, che mettesse in ordine quel
magior numero di gente che potesse et che lo seguitasse, lasciando però ben
guardate et presidiate le piazze di frontiera del suo governo, si partimmo alli 2
di 8bre dal Danubio in due truppe. [4] La prima guidata dal maestro di campo
generale et l’altra da Sua Maestà; et caminando il signor Palfi per altro camino,
poco lontano da Filech si trovorno tutti insieme, dove è intesa la perdita di
Agria, et solicitando il camino, alli 18 si giuntassimo con il Transilvano et con
il Teifempoch in una bellissima campagna. [5] Che fatto tutto uno esercito era
di M/18 cavalieri ungari tutti con lancia, 9250 [!] raitri armati di tutte arme si
come sono soliti et con le loro pistole, vi erano 7 compagnie di archibusieri a
cavallo, et da 800 corazze tra li valloni dell’anno passato et li vesfali di questo
anno, la infantaria alamana in tutto M/10 et la infantaria ungara M/12, che
summa in tutto M/51 persone da combattere con M/72 carri da bagaglie et
100 pezzi d’artiglieria. [6] Il giorno seguente, senza perder punto di tempo,
s’incaminorno per trovare l’inimico risoluti di dover combattere, et in due
allogiamenti, che fu alli 20, arivamo al Mifols, ultimo luogo verso Agria,
riparato all’ungara con palanche. [7] Et alli 21 si allogiò a un bosco, dove
principiava una grandissima campagna; con la commodità ||242v|| della quale
il giorno seguente, che fu alli 22, si ordinò l’esercito nella maniera che si
disegnava voler combattere. [8] Dove che consumando molto tempo in questo,
si tardò molto nell’arrivare a Rerste luogo abruciato sopra una picciola acqua,
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ma con cattivo fondo per passare. [9] Nel medesimo tempo ch’arrivò la nostra
avanguardia, era arrivato il Turco con buon numero del suo esercito, et era
passato con parte et con qualche pezzo di artiglieria da campagna a una chiesa
disfatta, et quivi si attaccò un poco di scaramuccia. [10] Vedendosi l’esercito
nostro che veniva per quella spatiosa campagna con spaventosa vista, si ritirò
l’inimico oltre l’acqua senza fare alcuna resistenza. [11] Et li nostri godendo il
beneficio del’occasione, passarono con l’inimico che pigliando la fuga lasciò 44
pezzi di campagna, ma li nostri, non li seguitando molto per la notte che già si
era incominciata, si ritornò. [12] Né si poté per quella notte dare alcuna forma
allo allogiamento, ma ogni persona si fermò dove era che per esser freddissimo
in una campagna senza legno, si patì infinitamente. [13] Il giorno seguente, alli
23, fu riconosciuto un buon posto più vicino alla montagna, sopra la medesima
acqua, lontano da Rerste da 3 miglia d’Italia; si condusse l’esercito in questo
luogo, circondandolo dalle parti più pericolose con carri che rendevano così
forte, come fusse trincerato, et con bellissima vista. [14] Alli 24 doppo
mezogiorno, dall’altra parte del picciolo fiumicello si cominciò a vedere le prime
squadre del campo inimico, che distendendosi per la campagna dalla parte sua,
prima che fusse notte, si vidde tutto grandissimo veramente, il quale con
perpetui gridi si allogiò lontano da noi un tiro di colubrina, ma noi sopra un
poco di eminenza, et loro dietro un’altra, siché non si poteva far danno che il
pretendere di dislogiarsi l’un l’altro. [15] La matina che fu li 25, noi ch’avamo
l’esercito nostro con nuovo ordine da quello che si era tenuto alli 22, per
contentare li transilvani che del primo non si sodisfavecano, et nel medesimo
tempo l’inimico passò con qualche numero il picciolo fiumicello impadronendosi
di una chiesa disfatta dalla parte nostra, lasciandone un’altra dalla parte loro,
che vedendo li nostri volontariamente li lasciavano passare, perché magiormente
s’impegnassero. [16] Passato mezogiorno, trattenendosi le cose né curando
l’inimico di passare con magior numero alla chiesa, li nostri si accostorono, et
ributtando li turchi li fece ripassare il fiumicello, et alcuni delli nostri vi
passarono ancora, non vi morendo numero di gente considerabile. [17] Fatto
scuro, tutti doi li eserciti si ritirarono a suoi alloggiamenti, lasciando grosse
guardie nelle campagne, ma ognuno nella parte sua. [18] Nell’apparir dell’alba
alli 26, alli 3 tiri di cannone fu tutta la gente nostra alla piazza d’arme, et con
nuovo ordine si incominciò a caminare verso la chiesa, la quale di già era stata
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occupata da nemici, li quali ||243r|| li quali in assai buon numero erano passati,
et da noi gli era dato tempo di passarne in maggior quantità. [19] Il corno
nostro dritto caminava appresso il fiumicello, il manco alla campagna, alle
spalle l’allogiamento nostro et alla fronte la chiesa. [20] L’inimico tenendosi
forte si distese molto più di noi, con la fronte verso noi, et il corno suo dritto
girò tanto con li tartari, che la nostra retroguardia gli voltò la faccia, avanzandosi
sempre il campo nostro con bellissimo ordine. [21] Il corno dritto nostro
attaccò con quelli della chiesa et ributtandoli li scacciorono, et accostandosi il
rimanente della nostra gente, l’inimico più tosto ritirandosi che fugendo passò
il fiumicello, discontandosi più di un miglio italiano. [22] Fu risoluto passare et
seguitar la vittoria, ancorché grossissimo si vedessse l’inimico et ben posto; et
così senza disturbo passammo, ma non con quel bell’ordine che si era tenuto di
qua dall’acqua. [23] Et passato tutto l’esercito lasciandosi il fiumicello alle
spalle, s’incominciò a caminare verso l’inimico, facendo l’artiglieria dall’una
parte et l’altra l’officio loro. [24] Parve che li turchi volessero combattere, ma
quando li nostri furono vicini una corsa di lancia, si cominciò a retirare,
lasciando il suo allogiamento a noi sula parte dritta, non restando li tartari nel
corno dritto loro di molestarne il sinistro nostro, ma avicinandosi al corpo
dell’esercito inimico, abbandonando l’artiglieria, si ritirorno tutti. [25] Et li
nostri entrando ne’ padiglioni si dettero a rubbare, così la fantaria come la
cavalleria che mettendo li piedi a terra, molti satiavano la ingordia loro. [26]
Arrivarono al padiglione del gran turco, dove era ancora qualche residuo de’
giannizzari et l’artiglieria incatenata, fecero un poco de difesa, di dove nacque
la fuga de nostri, che moltiplicando questo, spaventarono tutto l’esercito [che]
senza essere da nessuno cacciato, disordinatamente incominciò a correre verso
il passo del fiumicello, che vedeasi, da pochissimi turchi furono gli ultimi delli
nostri seguitati fino all’acqua. [27] Non fu possibile riparare questa fuga, che
durando non corresse la maggior parte dell’esercito per molte leghe, chi da una
parte, chi dall’altra, et alcuni al quartiero, li quali partirono passata la meza
notte, et arrivarono sicuri con la magior parte delle bagaglie; et quelle che
mancarono furono abandonate da proprij che né avevano cura, overo da nostri
svaligiate. [28] Li nostri padiglioni furono lasciati volontariamente, le artiglierie
rimasero per non avere chi le conducesse. [29] Né passò l’inimico la notte
l’acqua, rimanendo dalla parte sua con più maturo consiglio di noi. [30] Così
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ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE OF MEZŐKERESZTES
terminò la nostra infelice giornata delli 26 ottobre 1596 a Rareste, della quale
non si è perso de nostri per mano de nemici M/6 persone et un palmo di terra,
con tutto che l’inimico passasse M/100 soldati da combattere.
||243v||
Usari del Transilvano 6000
Slesia
1500
Usari del Teifempach 1800
Pipel Boemia
500
Usari del Palfi
3000
Tetaur
500
Raitri
Sassonia alta
Austria
Moravia
Pepipeschi Boemia
Franconia
Sassonia bassa
1000
1000
1000
1000
1000
1000
Campo del Reno
300
Campo de Svevia
300
Renuan
150
Archibugieri a cavallo
Stetar campo una [!]
Valloni campo due
Tifempoch campo quattro
Corazze valloni
800
Fanteria Alemana
7000
Zarab Transilvano
6000
Tifenpoch
10000
Palfi
6000
Report of a gentleman of Urbino who came from Hungary and visited Count
Carlo Thiene in Vicenza on 24 November 1596.
[1] After the capture of Hatvan, which took place on 3 September, hearing
that the sultan with his uncountable army – so they said – had arrived in
Szolnok, his highness the emperor decided that King Maximilian should
retreat with his army to the border with Austria to get assistance, because he
was told that he was to be provided with assistance from all of the German
provinces; he left in Upper Hungary Mr Teuffenbach,19 the general of that
area, with his men, with the command to increase their number as far as he
19
Baron Christoph von Teuffenbach (1545–1598), captain-general of Upper Hungary.
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ZSUZSA KOVÁCS
could; and he sent the Mr lieutenant, Count della Torre and his regiment to
Eger. [2] Then, when his highness had better established that the enemy army
wanted to take that town, he sent Mr Count Trčka20 with 600 musketeers and
Captain Claudio Cocorano,21 his highness the emperor’s major, who fortunately
managed to enter the town, even though the Tartars were always at their back
and followed them for most of the way. [3] After his highness retreated to the
bank of the Danube, because he believed that supplies from Germany were
delayed and that perhaps the weather was turning cold (?) since the enemy had
been seen to be engaged elsewhere, and the prince of Transylvania informed
his highness that he would join him with a great number of men if he wanted
to return to Upper Hungary soon, his highness first sent a command to Mr
Pálffy22 to assemble as many men as he could and follow him, but leaving the
forts along the border under his command with sufficient guards and defence;
and on 2 October, in two groups, we departed from the Danube. [4] The first
was led by the field marshal23 and the second by his highness; Mr Pálffy went
by another route, and all met not far from Fülek, where heard of the loss of
Eger, and accelerating the march, we made rendezvous on a beautiful field with
the prince of Transylvania and Teuffenbach. [5] All of this constituted one
army with 18 thousand Hungarian horsemen, all with lances; 9,250 reiters,
according to their customs armed with all kinds of weapons and pistols; 7
mounted musket companies and about 800 cuirassiers, last year’s Walloons
and this year’s Westphalians; the German infantry numbered 10 thousand in
total and the Hungarian infantry 12 thousand; which made up a total of 51
thousand soldiers, with 72 thousand baggage wagons and 100 guns. [6] Next
day, without losing any time, they set off to seek out the enemy, determined
that they must do battle, and after making camp twice, we arrived on the 20th
in Miskolc, the last place before Eger, defended in Hungarian style with a
palisade. [7] On the 21st, we camped near a forest at the start of an enormous
20 Count Vilém Trčka z Lípy (Wilhelm Terzki von Lípa; Trzka), Bohemian lieutenant.
21 Claudio Cogorano (1554–1618), military engineer of Parma. The name Cocorano/
Cogorano appears erroneously in Hungarian literature in the form “Cogonara”.
22 Miklós Pálffy (1552–1600), field marshal of the Hungarian noble militia.
23 Adolf von Schwarzenberg (1547–1600), general of the Holy Roman Empire. In the Battle
of Mezőkeresztes, he was the deputy to Archduke Maximilian, commander of the allied forces.
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ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE OF MEZŐKERESZTES
field, and exploiting the opportunity, the next day, the 22nd, the army was set
into battle order as planned for the encounter. [8] Since this took up much
time there, they arrived only very late in Keresztes, a burned-down place on the
bank of a little stream, although its course was very bad for crossing. [9] When
our advance guard arrived, a large number of the sultan’s troops had already
arrived, some of whom had crossed with a few field guns to a demolished
church, and a small skirmish ensued. [10] Seeing our army, which approached
with fearful spectacle on that wide field, the enemy retreated to the other side
of the river without resistance. [11] Our troops, using the advantage offered by
the occasion, crossed with the enemy, who fled leaving behind them 44 field
guns, but our troops did not follow them for long, because night had descended,
and they returned. [12] That night, it was not possible to make camp, and
everyone stood where they happened to be, and because it was very cold on a
field without firewood, we suffered endlessly. [13] The next day, the 23rd, a
good place was designated nearer to the hills, on the bank of the same river, 3
Italian miles from Keresztes; the army was led there, and at dangerous points
was surrounded by wagons, making them as strong as if they were surrounded
by ditches, and presented a very fine sight. [14] On the afternoon of the 24th,
the first troops of the enemy army started to appear on the far side of the little
river, spread out on the field on their side, and before night descended, the
whole thing appeared truly enormous, and they set up camp amidst constant
shouts at culverin range, but we were behind a little hill and they behind
another, so that we could cause no harm to each other, at most one could wish
to displace the other from their place. [15] On the morning of the 25th, when
our army stood in a new, different battle order than we had maintained on the
22nd – to satisfy the Transylvanians, who did not like the first battle order – in
the same time, a small number of the enemy crossed the little river and took
possession of a ruined church on our side, leaving another on their side, seeing
which our side deliberately let them cross so that they would be more occupied.
[16] After noon, the enemy keeping things to himself (?), and not taking
trouble to cross to the church in larger numbers, our troops went closer and,
beating back the Turks, forced them to the other side of the little river; and a
few of ours also crossed without many of them being killed. [17] As darkness
fell, both armies retreated to their camps, leaving a large guard on the fields, but
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ZSUZSA KOVÁCS
each on their own side. [18] On the 26th, when dawn started to break, at the
firing of three guns, our soldiers were all on the battlefield and in the new battle
order marched towards the church that the enemy had captured, and had
crossed in a large number, and we had given them time to cross in great quantity.
[19] Our right wing proceeded beside the river and the left wing on the field,
with our camp behind and the church ahead. [20] The enemy held themselves
strongly and were much more spread out than us, their front towards us, and
their right wing turned so far with the Tartars that our rearguard turned to
face them, while our army advanced in very good order. [21] Our right wing
attacked those at the church, beat them back and chased them away, and since
the rest of our army was approaching, the enemy – retreating rather than
fleeing – crossed the stream and moved away more than an Italian mile. [22] It
was decided that we would cross and earn the victory – although the enemy
seemed enormous and well placed – and we crossed without disturbance, but
not in such good order as we had held on the near side of the water. [23] When
the whole army had crossed and left the river at its back, they started to march
towards the enemy, while the artillery did their work from one side and the
other. [24] It seemed that the Turks wanted to fight, but when our side were at
a lance-charge distance, they started to retreat, leaving to us the right side of
their camp, and the Tartars did not remain on their right wing to trouble our
left wing, but approaching the main enemy army, leaving their guns, all
retreated. [25] Our side went into the tents and started to plunder, both the
infantry and the cavalry, dismounting from the saddle, and many satisfied their
greed. [26] They reached the sultan’s tent, where there remained some
janissaries and the artillery chained together, and they defended a little, from
where our troops started to flee, which, amplified, frightened the entire army,
[who] without anyone pursuing them, started to run in disorder towards the
river crossing, and seeing this, a very small number of Turks pursued the last of
our soldiers to the water. [27] This flight was impossible to stop or to prevent
from continuing, so that most of the army ran many miles, some this way, some
that, and a few went to the camp and started out after midnight, arriving in
Kassa in safety with most of the baggage; the baggage that was missing had
been left by its owners, because they did not trouble with it or it was looted by
our troops. [28] We left our tents deliberately, and the guns remained there
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ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE OF MEZŐKERESZTES
because there was nobody to take them. [29] The enemy did not cross the river
by night and stayed on their own side, more prudent than us. [30] That was
how our luckless battle ended at Keresztes on 26 October 1596, the day when
only five thousand of our troops and a palm-sized stretch of land were lost to
the enemy, even though the enemy had more than a hundred thousand soldiers.
Prince of Transylvania’s
hussars
6,000
Teuffenbach’s hussars 1,800
Pálffy’s hussars
3,000
Reiters
Upper Saxony
Austria
Moravia
Pepipeschi (?) Bohemia
Franconia
Lower Saxony
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
Silesia
Popel Bohemia
Tetaur
1,500
500
500
Rhine army
300
Swabian army
300
Renuan (?)
150
Mounted musketeers
Stetar number one camp
Walloons number two camp
Teuffenbach number four camp
Wallonian cuirassiers
800
German infantry
7,000
Transylvanian Zarab (?)
6,000
Teuffenbach
10,000
Pálffy
6,000
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Douglas A. Howard
Calvin College, Grand Rapids, Michigan
dhoward@calvin.edu
INTRODUCTION
Ayn Ali, the Ottoman scribe who wrote an influential work on the timar
institution, also wrote a second book. This second work is not as well-known
as the first, yet in many manuscripts they appear one after the other,1 and thus
for a great many Ottomans the two works must have been thought of together.
His first work, called Kavanin-i Al-i Osman der Hulasa-i Mezamin-i Defter-i
Divan, or “Regulations of the Ottoman Dynasty: a Synthesis of the Contents
of the Council Registers”, was based on knowledge of the timar institution that
Ayn Ali acquired while serving as intendant of the imperial registry (emin-i
defter-i hakani). Now he wrote in response to a decree that another work be
done like the first, but giving “the numbers of the kul class, what their daily
[wages] and imposts were and, in a full year, what kind of treasure was given
for the kul appropriations alone”. The grand vizier asked that a work be written
giving this data, like the other, “in understandable terms and in a summary
fashion”. Ayn Ali’s response to this challenge became his second work, titled
Risale-i Vazife-Horan ve Meratib-i Bendegan-i Al-i Osman, or “Treatise on the
Salaried Personnel and Ranks of the Bondsmen of the House of Osman”.
As it happens, an anonymous one-page petition (arz) gives data in categories
broadly similar to those used by Ayn Ali and from nearly the same date as the
1 The printed edition by Şinasi was based on one such manuscript; see Kavanin Risalesi.
İstanbul, 1863, 82–102. The text was republished in facsimile with an introduction by M.
Tayyib Gökbilgin. İstanbul, 1979.
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DOUGLAS A. HOWARD
Risale, nevruz 1017 to nevruz 1018/22 March 1609–23 March 1610.2 The arz
and the Risale must be related, but just how is unclear, perhaps both were
written as a result of the decree referred to by Ayn Ali. One can imagine what
might have prompted the grand vizier’s request. By 1609 Kuyucu Murad Pasha
had defeated the celali rebels and attention may have turned to financial reform,
in a situation where timar records were obsolete and the nature of a janissary
career was radically different than it had been half a century earlier.3 Of this
context Ayn Ali mentions nothing, and if he had it in mind his response seems
to have been that good solutions required good information. No one, he wrote,
really knew the figures beyond a small circle of specialists, who themselves
knew only the specific matters with which they were concerned. No one had an
overall grasp of the situation; no one before had “rattled the reed and pressed
the figures in this respect”. The challenge to gather useful data motivated him;
the information “had never been collected in one place”, and to do so “in such a
way was beyond our capacity”.
Of the many differences between the petition and the Risale the crucial one is
Ayn Ali’s transparency about his sources and method. He was keen to lay out a
conception of the Ottoman fiscal model and to demonstrate the value of a proper
research method. Some interesting details in the petition do not appear in Ayn
Ali, such as the five hundred fifty loads (yük) of akçes for salaries of personnel
connected with Budun (Buda), Eğri (Eger), and Kanije (Kanizsa), because Ayn
Ali gave only the salary payments and stipends to palace officials, and did not
include figures for revenues at all. And the petition concludes with a request that
the sultan be informed annually by such a report of revenues and expenditures,
done nevruz to nevruz. Ayn Ali made no such recommendation.
For later generations the value of both the Kavanin and the Risale lay in the
data they contained. Koçi Bey, Paul Rycault, and Hezarfen Hüseyin all used
the Kavanin for the number of timars in the provinces of the empire.4 Katib
2 Published in a readable photograph in Mehmet Genç and Erol Özvar (eds.), Osmanlı Maliyesi: Kurumlar ve Bütçeler. 2 vols. İstanbul, 2006, II. 103.
3 Linda T. Darling, ‘The Janissaries of Damascus in the Sixteenth Century, or How Conquering a Province Changed the Ottoman Empire.’ Otto Spies Memorial Lecture, University
of Bonn, 29 June 2018.
4 Ali Kemali Aksüt (ed.), Koçi Bey Risalesi. İstanbul, 1939, 141–143; Paul Rycaut, The Present
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AYN ALİ’S TREATISE ON THE “RANKS”
Çelebi reported that “his second work is on the number of Ottoman soldiers”,5
but later writers did not make comparable use of the Risale’s figures because
they had access to more recent records – these did not exist for timars. Yet if it
was the numbers that interested Ottoman readers, we today are confronted
with the problem of the many discrepancies among the surviving manuscripts
of the Risale. Of the more than three dozen known manuscript copies of the
Risale I was able to consult ten.6 I based this study on the copy of the Risale in
the manuscript Esad Efendi 2361,7 a codex that contains the Kavanin, the
Risale, and the Niğbolu kanunnamesi. Since each of the manuscripts I looked at
contained an identical omission, explained below, it is possible that all the
copies I consulted are related as one group in a stemma, and that a superior
copy might still be found. This manuscript does offer the important benefit of
being very early, with a colophon dated 9 Şaban 1020/18 October 1611.
AYN ALİ’S RESEARCH
Ayn Ali brought together the records of
his own “auditing (comparing)
bureau” (mukabele) with two others, the “foot soldier comparing bureau”
(piyade mukabelesi), and the “lesser daybook bureau” (küçük ruznamçe).8 He
based his research on one three-month quarter, the reşen quarter (RecebŞaban-Ramazan) of the Hijri year 1018 (30 September–27 December 1609).
State of the Ottoman Empire. London, 1668, 190–201; Hezârfen Hüseyin Efendi, Telhîsü’l-Beyân
fî Kavânîn-i Âl-i Osmân. (Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, II/32.) Ed. by Sevim İlgürel. Ankara,
1998, 90–100.
5 Katib Çelebi, Kaşf al-Zunun. 2 vols. İstanbul, 1941–1943, I. 1314.
6 Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Esad Efendi 2271/1; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser
Kütüphanesi, Veliyüddin Efendi 1971 (henceforth Veliyüddin 1971); Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi, Revan 1323; İstanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi Nadir Eserler
Bölümü, Türkçe Yazmalar 1392; Koyunoğlu Şehir Müzesi ve Kütüphanesi, 13554; Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, A.F. 356 [Flügel 1821] and H.O. 148b [Flügel 1819]; and Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Ms. Török O. 106 and Ms. Török O. 253. The
Şinasi edition represents another, unidentified manuscript.
7 Ayn Ali, Risale-i Vazife-Horan ve Bendegan-i Al-i Osman. Süleymaniye Yazma Eser
Kütüphanesi, Esad Efendi 2361 (henceforth Esad 2361).
8 Esad 2361, fol. 39rv.
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DOUGLAS A. HOWARD
The bureaus were organised according to what information they needed or, in
other words, according to what registers each kept.9 The titles of the registers
and the bureaus that maintained them reflected their functions: the ruznamçe
was a “daybook”, in which receipts and payments were recorded chronologically.
The mukabeleci compared wage tickets with salary records and authorized
payment.10
Modern readers might expect that finance operations ought to be divided
between income and expenditures. But “the Ottoman division of labor was
predicated on the nature of the revenue source and the records and types of
problems associated with it”.11 One daybook bureau recorded the daily income
and expenditures of the finance department, the other the müşahere-horan,
palace personnel paid monthly rather than quarterly or half-yearly.12 The
bureaus also recorded gold, silver, furs, cloth and other goods both coming into
and leaving the treasury – income and expenditures were handled by the same
bureaus.13 The piyade mukabelesi bureau paid the janissaries, armourers,
cannoners and carters, as well as the newly recruited “foreign youths” (acemi
oğlanıs) of Istanbul and Gelibolu, the palace falconers, helva makers, gardeners,
stable saddlers, tent and banner musicians, craftsmen, tailors, footmen,
gatekeepers, and palace slaves.14 A parallel accounts bureau for mounted
soldiers (süvari) recorded the salaries of the palace cavalry and palace ağas, and
the first and second ağas of the stirrup.15 Modern readers might also expect
that annual accounts should have been regularly produced, just as the
anonymous author of the petition advised. Ottoman officials did not evidently
9
Nejat Göyünç, ‘Ta’rih Başlıklı Muhasebe Defterleri’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları 10 (1990)
1–37.
10 Linda T. Darling, Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy: Tax Collection and Finance Administration in the Ottoman Empire, 1560–1660. Leiden, 1996, 53; see also Gülfettin Çelik, ‘Osmanlı
Devletinde Merkezî Hazinenin Maliye Büroları’, in Genç and Özvar (eds.), Osmanlı Maliyesi,
I. 115–147.
11 Quoting Darling, Revenue-Raising, 66.
12 Quoting ibid., 61.
13 İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devletinin Merkez ve Bahriye Teşkilâtı. Ankara, 1948;
repr. 1984, 338–339.
14 Ibid., 350–351 and notes, and 338–341.
15 Çelik, ‘Osmanlı Devletinde’, 145; Uzunçarşılı, Merkez ve Bahriye, 356, 358.
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AYN ALİ’S TREATISE ON THE “RANKS”
see things this way. Such quarterly and full-year income and expenditure
listings as do survive do not seem to have been regarded as either the pinnacle
or the ultimate aim of financial record keeping. Rather, the daybook method
was preferred for tracking income and expenditures. An annual account would
have required combining all daybook registers, or all monthly or quarterly
records (campaign accounts too were kept separately), an impossible and
impractical task.16
CONTENTS OF THE WORK
The Risale is made up of a prologue, four chapters each called a mertebe or
‘rank’, and a summary, after which comes a concluding hatime or ‘epilogue’, and
an “epilogue of the epilogue”.
In the prologue, the author gave first expression to the themes that would
dominate the work, by offering praise to God and salutations to the Prophet
Muhammad. The terms of these standard elements are virtually identical to
those in the Kavanin, sometimes only substituting a synonym. The repetition
suggests that the author used the prologues to conceptualize the Ottoman
administrative structure as channeling God’s prosperity in two contrasting
forms. In the Kavanin the contrast was between prosperity of the mind and
prosperity of income and wealth, while the Risale refined this into a contrast
between Ottoman servants who received the fruits of imperial prosperity
indirectly, in the form of timars, and others directly, in the form of salaries.
When read together the two works, each devoted to one of these in turn, offer
a picture of an Ottoman system in two parts. A complete schema it is not, since
it includes indirect timar revenues but leaves out the revenue-contracting
organisation of customs collections, not to mention the whole area of endowed
trusts.17 Yet the bifurcation does reflect the division of finance records and
16 Caroline Finkel, The Administration of Warfare: The Ottoman Military Campaigns in Hungary, 1593–1606. Vienna, 1988, 231.
17 Mehmed Genç and Erol Özvar, ‘Giriş: Osmanlı Devletinde Bütçeler: Merkezî Hazinenin
Yıllık Muhasebe Bilançoları’, in Genç and Özvar (eds.), Osmanlı Maliyesi, II. 7–18, particularly
8–10.
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DOUGLAS A. HOWARD
registers and bureaus under a “money registrar” (mal defterdarı) on the one
hand and records and bureaus under a “benefice registrar” (timar defterdarı) on
the other.18
A paragraph in admiration of Sultan Ahmed I (1603–1617) marks the
transition to the subject of the work. In an elegant, but also thematically
relevant, comment on the breadth of the royal generosity, the author paved the
way for report on the royal household. It was “wholly impossible to describe
the Suez Gulf of his grace and benevolence, or to express the encircling World
Sea of his liberality and beneficence.” The amount expended in a single day on
the livelihoods of the servants and gifted slaves of the court left him “speechless
and stupefied”.19
As it has been mentioned earlier Ayn Ali organized his data in four chapters,
each with several subsections. In each “rank” he gave the numbers of personnel,
their daily wage, and their mukarrer payments. Mukarrer means ‘established’, in
the sense that by established custom certain groups received a sum in addition
to their salaries, some monthly, some quarterly. He used the total of these daily
wages and “established” sums to extrapolate figures for the payments to each
group in a full year. A very large part of the whole work is simply a narration of
these numbers, with no commentary and no analysis, and therefore unlike the
Kavanin there seems little to be gained by a full translation of the Risale.20
Instead since most manuscripts also present the data in tables that follow the
narration of each “rank”, it seems sufficient to transcribe these.
In the first “rank”, Ayn Ali gave figures for the number of foot soldiers and
mounted soldiers combined, including the janissaries and the “foreign youths”
(acemi oğlanları), the standing cavalry known as the “six bölüks” or units, and the
armourers, cannoneers, and carters or wagoners.
18 Darling, Revenue-Raising, 52.
19 Esad 2361, fol. 38v.
20 Ahmet Akgündüz, Osmanlı Kanunnâmeleri ve Hukûkî Tahlilleri. 9 vols. İstanbul, 1996,
IX. 87–126, transcription is based on the Ms. Veliyüddin 1971, fols. 44v–65r.
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Table 1: Compilation of the comparison of the above corps, as described in Rank One
Number of persons
Per day salary, in akçe
Janissaries
37,627
Janissaries
284,381
Acemiyan
9,406
Acemiyan
24,53321
[Combined]
37,033 [sic]
[Combined]
308,914
Six bölüks
20,869
Six bölüks
369,685
Armourers
5,730
Armourers
26,12122
Royal canoneers
2,552
Royal canoneers
11,167
Wagoners
684
Total
66,868 [sic]
Wagoners
5,576
Total
721,463
Seventy-five thousand eight hundred
sixty-eight [sic]
Seven hundred twenty-one thousand
four hundred sixty-three akçe
“Established” payment, in akçe
Per year salary, in akçe
Janissaries
25,192,584
Janissaries
101,899,14623
Acemiyan
2,326,83024
Acemiyan
9,273,380
[Combined]
Bölük personnel
Armorers
24,53321
27,399,414 [sic]
32,717,121
2,311,753
[Combined]
111,172,526
Bölük personnel
130,868,484
Armorers
94,189,11225
26,12122 101,899,14623 2,326,83024 94,189,11225
21 Narration: twenty-four thousand five hundred forty-three.
22 Narration: twenty-six thousand one hundred sixty-seven and a half.
23 Narration: one thousand loads plus seven hundred seventy thousand thirty-six.
24 This number is not given in the narration, nor can it be calculated from the information given,
because the amount of the zer-pul, a gold coin, is not given in akçe.
25 Narration: ninety-four loads eighteen thousand nine hundred twelve akçe.
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“Established” payment, in akçe
Per year salary, in akçe
Canoneers
988,32526
Canoneers
3,953,39227
Wagoners
493,520
Wagoners
1,974,080
Total
63,910,123 [sic]
Six hundred thirty-nine loads ten thousand
one hundred twenty-three akçe
Total
257,387,294 [sic]
Two thousand five hundred seventy-three loads
eighty-seven thousand two hundred ninetyfour akçe
988,32526 3,953,39227
The second “rank” consists of the captains, sailors, and shipyard personnel
who went on naval campaigns with the imperial fleet. Here he counted 2,364
persons with a total daily wage of 22,395 silver akçe, a quarterly total of 19
loads and 43,746 akçe, and an annual total of 77 loads, 4,984 akçe. This data
was so brief that he gave no table after the narration.
The third “rank” is a lengthy section listing the same data for the palace
personnel who accompanied the sultan on campaign. Among these were the
staff of the imperial stables, the palace gatekeepers both of the Bab-i Hümayun
and the Dergah-i Ali, the kitchen staff, the tailors and other craftsmen, the
royal müezzins, musicians both of the banner and of the tent, the treasurers,
the architects, the water carriers and footmen, the royal physicians, Jewish
physicians, and astrologers, three groups of falconers, and the voyvodas of the
tributary Danubian principalities.
26
27
Narration: nine hundred eighty-eight thousand three hundred twenty-three.
Narration: thirty-nine loads fifty-three thousand two hundred ninety-two akçe.
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Table 2: Compilation of the comparison of the above groups that are described in Rank
Three28
Number of persons
Royal masters of the horse
Gatekeepers of the exalted
threshold
Gatekeepers of the imperial gate
Kitchen servants
Per day salary, in akçe
4,322
1,935
29
417
1,129
Royal masters of the horse
23,743
Gatekeepers of the exalted
threshold
16,981
Gatekeepers of the imperial gate
1,06330
Kitchen servants
9,03831
Tailors of the robe
319
Tailors
3,030
Craftsmen
947
Craftsmen
8,164
Royal müezzins
15
Royal müezzins
Musicians of the tent
835
Musicians of the tent
Musicians of the banner
228
Musicians of the banner
198
5,487
2,77432
Treasurers
19
Treasurers
742
Royal architects
44
Royal architects
499
Water carriers of the council
36
Water carriers of the council
335
Royal footmen
57
Royal footmen
332
Royal physicians
21
Royal physicians
893
Royal astrologers
5
Royal astrologers
24
1,93529 1,06330 9,03831 2,77432
28 For the translations of terms I have been guided by Gülru Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power: The Topkapı Palace in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. Cambridge,
Mass., 1991, and by H.A.R. Gibb and Harold Bowen, Islamic Society and the West: A Study of
the Impact of Western Civilization on the Moslem Culture in the Near East. 2 vols. London, 1950.
29 Narration: one thousand nine hundred twenty-five.
30 Narration: one thousand six hundred three.
31 Narration: nine thousand three hundred eight.
32 Narration: two thousand seventy-four.
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Number of persons
Per day salary, in akçe
Royal falconers
271
Royal falconers
1,670
Royal peregrine falconers
275
Royal peregrine falconers
1,345
Royal sparrow hawkers
45
Royal sparrow hawkers
225
Resident envoys of the voivodes of
Wallachia and Moldavia33
13
Resident envoys of the voivodes of
Wallachia and Moldavia
590
Jewish physicians
41
Jewish physicians
Total: 10,964
“Established” payment, in akçe
64334
Total: 78,587 [sic]
Per year salary, in akçe
Royal masters of the horse
2,101,299
Royal masters of the horse
8,405,196
Gatekeepers of the exalted
threshold
1,502,81835
Gatekeepers of the exalted
threshold
6,011,272
Gatekeepers of the imperial
gate
141,86536
Gatekeepers of the imperial
gate
567,460
Servants of the imperial
kitchen
823,802
Servants of the imperial
kitchen
Tailors of the robe
268,155
Tailors of the robe
1,072,620
Craftsmen
722,558
Craftsmen
2,890,232
Müezzins
5,940
Müezzins
3,215,20837
71,280
Moldavia33 64334 1,502,81835 141,86536 3,215,20837
33
34
35
36
37
Narration: Boğdan ve Eflak voyvodalarınun kapu kethüdaları.
Narration: six hundred forty-two.
Narration: fifteen loads two thousand eight hundred.
Narration: fourteen loads one thousand eight hundred sixty.
Narration: thirty-two loads ninety-five thousand two hundred eight.
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“Established” payment, in akçe
Per year salary, in akçe
Musicians of the tent
485,643
Musicians of the tent
1,942,57338
Musicians of the banner
183,549
Musicians of the banner
734,13639
Treasurers
22,260
Treasurers
Royal architects
14,970
Royal architects
119,64040
Royal water carriers
29,631
Royal water carriers
119,55041
Royal footmen
267,120
9,960
Royal footmen42
Royal physicians
26,79943
Royal physicians
321,480
Royal astrologers
708
Royal astrologers
8,496
Royal falconers
147,795
Royal falconers
Royal peregrine falconers
119,032
Royal peregrine falconers
Royal sparrow hawkers
Kethüdas
Jewish physicians
19,912
17,00746
19,260
Total: 8,662,954 [sic]
591,18044
1,476,12845
Royal sparrow hawkers
79,648
212,400
Kethüdas
Jewish physicians
231,12047
Total: 27,600,474 [sic]
1,942,57338 734,13639 119,64040 119,55041 Royal footmen42
26,79943 591,18044 1,476,12845 17,00746 231,12047
38 Narration: nineteen loads forty-two thousand five hundred seventy-two.
39 Narration: seven hundred thirty-four thousand one hundred ninety-six.
40 Narration: one hundred seventy-nine thousand six hundred forty.
41 Narration: one hundred eighteen thousand seven hundred sixty-four.
42 This figure, skipped in the manuscript, is given as 119,520 in the narration, matching the
mukarrer (9,960) taken monthly.
43 Narration: twenty-six thousand seven hundred ninety.
44 Omitted in the narration.
45 Narration: four hundred seventy-six thousand one hundred twenty-eight.
46 Narration: seventeen thousand seven hundred.
47 In the narration this figure is given as two hundred thirty-one thousand one hundred
twenty-six.
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The fourth “rank” lists the salaries of ağas and high officials in five subsections
as follows, first, the ağas of the stirrup; second, “servants of the eminent and
sons of vezirs and ulema”; third, retired ağas of the exalted threshold and
müteferrikas and several other palace groups, including tasters, craftsmen,
çavuşes; fourth, scribes and apprentices of the imperial council, the treasury,
and the finance bureau and other unnamed officials who received monthly
salaries; fifth, ağas of the sultan’s harem and other royal slaves (gılman) and
ağas of the halberdiers of the imperial harem.
The textual deficiency I mentioned above occurs in this section. The figure
of the salaries of thirty-five men identified as the “servants of the eminent and
sons of vezirs and ulema”, is written out fully in the narration but is omitted
from the table following the narration and therefore from the totals.
3248 3349 1,28550 17,87551 88052 47153
Table 3: Combined comparison of the above who are described in Rank Four
Number of persons
Per day salary in akçe
Ağas of the exalted threshold
3248
Ağas of the exalted threshold
Retired ağas
3349
Retired ağas
Ağas of the craftsmen
5
Ağas of the craftsmen
4,442
1,28550
246
Müteferrikas of the exalted
threshold
433
Müteferrikas of the exalted
threshold
Tasters of the exalted
threshold
117
Tasters of the exalted
threshold
4,680
Chavushes of the exalted
threshold
324
Chavushes of the exalted
threshold
88052
Scribes of the council
47153
Scribes of the council
48
49
50
51
52
53
24
17,87551
Narration: thirty-three.
Narration: thirty-two.
Narration: one thousand two-hundred fifty-eight.
Narration: seventeen thousand five hundred eighty-five.
Narration: eight thousand eight hundred two.
Narration: four hundred seventy.
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Number of persons
Per day salary, in akçe
Scribes of the imperial
treasury
16
Scribes of the imperial
treasury
43354
1,130
Apprentices of the council
133
Apprentices of the council
Finance scribes
2155
Finance scribes
253
Monthly-salaried officials
35
Monthly-salaried officials
592
Ağas of the slaves
709
Ağas of the slaves
7,08657
Royal halberdiers
109
Royal halberdiers
52558
56
Total: 1,981 [sic]
“Established” payments, in akçe
Total: 47,880 [sic]
Per year salary, in akçe
Ağas of the exalted threshold
133,260
Ağas of the exalted threshold
Retired ağas
37,74060
Retired ağas
Craftsmen
7,38561
Craftsmen
2,599,12059
452,880
88,560
Müteferrikas
527,550
Müteferrikas
6,330,600
Tasters of the exalted
threshold
140,400
Tasters of the exalted
threshold
1,614,800
Çavuşes
264,060
Çavuşes
3,168,72062
43354 2155 3556 7,08657 52558 2,599,12059 37,74060 7,38561 3,168,72062
54 Narration: four hundred ninety-three.
55 Narration: twenty.
56 Narration: twenty-five.
57 Narration: seven thousand eighty.
58 Narration: five hundred seventy-five.
59 Narration: fifteen loads ninety-nine thousand one hundred twenty akçe.
60 Narration: thirty-seven thousand seven hundred.
61 Narration: seven thousand three hundred eighty.
62 Omitted in the narration.
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Scribes of the council
14,130
Scribes of the council
169,560
Scribes of the treasury
14,790
Scribes of the treasury
177,48063
Apprentices of the council
33,90064
Monthly-salaried officials65
7,590
Apprentices of the council
406,800
Finance scribes
213,120
Ağas of the slaves
117,760
Royal halberdiers
212,52066
Ağas of the slaves
91,800
15,750
Royal halberdiers
207,70069
Butchers
67
68
Total: 1,526,830 [sic]
Fifteen loads twenty-six thousand eight
hundred thirty akçe
Monthly-salaried officials
2,550,960
Total: 18,070,680 [sic]
One hundred eighty loads seventy thousand
six hundred eighty akçe
177,48063 33,90064 M-s officials65 212,52066 Butchers67 15,75068 207,70069
Concluding, Ayn Ali presented composite totals of all of the numbers of
personnel, their daily salaries, their quarterly established payments, and the
total treasury output for the year of all of the above, organised by his four
“ranks”. This table is discussed below.
63 Omitted in the narration.
64 Omitted in the narration.
65 In this list the copyist omitted the name of the katiban-i maliye, but not the figure of their
“established” payment, which is, in the narration, seven thousand five hundred ninety akçe –
the figure given here for the monthly salaried officials (müşahere-horan). For the remainder of
the table, the groups of personnel are misaligned with the figures of their salaries. This error
is “corrected” with the insertion of a previously unmentioned group, the butchers (satıran), on
the last line – but whose revenue figures are those of the royal halberdiers from the narration.
66 Narration: two hundred twelve thousand five hundred eighty.
67 See note 64.
68 Narration: fifty-one thousand seven hundred fifty.
69 Narration: two hundred seven thousand.
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THE UNRELIABILITY OF NUMBERS
IN THE MANUSCRIPTS
The tabulations leave the impression that Ayn Ali meant to explain exactly,
not approximately, how many personnel there were and what their annual
treasury payments amounted to, on the basis of his documentary sources. Yet
as anyone who has worked on manuscripts with numerical data in them must
know, without an autograph of the manuscript the unreliability of the
numerical figures in any given copy is acute. This is no different with the Risale.
As can be seen above, in the first table, not only does the arithmetic not
match in several places, but six of the twenty-four numbers do not match the
figures as they appear in the immediately preceding narration. A seventh
number that appears in the table, the “established” payment to the foreign
youths, does not appear in the narration at all, nor can it be calculated from the
information given, since it includes the zer-pul, a quarterly gift of one gold piece
whose equivalent in silver akçe is not provided. In the second table, eighteen
such errors occur in eighty figures, in addition to the arithmetic mismatches;
the third table has twenty-one such errors in fifty-two figures. Only the fourth
table seems to be error-free. Typically the errors are due to simple transpositions,
but not always. This manuscript is not more prone to error than the others I
surveyed. Of course, in view of the deficiency noted above in the fourth “rank”
of the text, in which one group was omitted from the table in every manuscript
I used, it remains possible that a better manuscript copy might be found, or
even an autograph, to resolve these problems.
In the meantime, it is tempting to rely instead on the numbers given in the
narration, which are less likely to be erroneously copied. This is true in most
cases, but it is not a perfect solution. Difficulties of handwriting may occur
here as well. For example, altmış, ‘sixty’, is not so easily distinguished from
yetmiş, ‘seventy’. Some copyists rounded down in the ten’s place. There are
other anomalies. For example, while in every other manuscript that gives a
number of the masters of the horse (mirahors) it is 4,322,70 one manuscript
70
The Vienna Ms. H.O. fol. 148v (Flügel 1819) leaves this blank.
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Figure 1
Esad 2361, fol. 47r (detail)
(Ms. Török O. 253) gives 4,324 not just in its table, but also in the narration,
very clearly, “they are four thousand three hundred twenty-four persons”.71
Or consider the “established” and annual incomes of the royal footmen
(şatıran-i hassa). According to Esad 2361 there were 57 footmen, whose daily
wages amounted to 332 akçe. The narration gives totals for the monthly
“established” payment and annual outlay for the footmen, but the figures are
erroneous – they are not only miscalculated, they merely repeat the figures of
the treasurers. And in the table that follows the narration, the figure given for
the “established” payment of the royal footmen matches that of the treasurers,
while the annual figure for the footmen is missing. The confusing result is that
the table gives twenty lines for personnel but only nineteen figures for their
payments (see Figure 1).
71
Ms. Török O. 253, fol. 47r; the table is on fol. 50v.
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HOW MANY JANISSARIES WERE THERE?
The other manuscripts provide no relief, being as confused as this one, albeit
in different ways. It might seem that the truly ideal solution would be to bypass
the work of copyists altogether and go straight to Ayn Ali’s documentary
sources, if these can be identified.
I tested the feasibility of this, using a group that has been of great interest to
historians, the janissaries.72 According to the narration in Esad 2361 the
number of janissaries in the Ottoman Empire in 1609 was otuz yedi bin altıyüz
yigirmi yedi,73 and this figure of 37,627 is given accurately in the first line of the
subsequent table.74 Remarkably, all the manuscripts I checked agree.75 As will
be seen in the details, however, the result of attempting to verify the figure by
archival documentation was something less than fully satisfying. (The exactly
contemporaneous Kavanin-i Yeniçeriyan is disappointingly silent in this
regard.)76
By good fortune, the Ottoman archives in Istanbul hold a janissary pay
register for the very period Ayn Ali said he used as the basis for his figures, the
reşen quarter of the year 1018.77 Yet the defter is challenging. There are torn
pages; the handwriting is the difficult and sometimes illegible siyakat script,
including numbers. And if indeed this is the defter Ayn Ali used, it does not
readily divulge his research method. In interpreting it I found Uzunçarşılı’s
lengthy description of a similar janissary pay register dated five years later
(1023/1614) quite helpful. Indeed, had I tried to read Uzunçarşılı’s discussion
without such a pay register in hand, I would have found it incomprehensible,
72 For example, Rhoads Murphey, Ottoman Warfare 1500–1700. New Brunswick, N.J.,
1999, 45.
73 Esad 2361, fol. 40v.
74 Esad 2361, fol. 43r.
75 Flügel 1819 too, which rounds the figure to 36,600 in the table, agrees with the rest in its
narration.
76 See the facsimile edition of I. E. Petrosyan, Mebde-i Kanun-i Yeničeri Odjagi Tarikhi.
Moscow, 1987.
77 MAD 4317, dated 1018/1607–1608. I owe a debt of gratitude to Linda Darling for
locating this register.
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DOUGLAS A. HOWARD
but having such a register in hand, it was indispensable.78 (This ought to be fair
warning to the reader of the paragraphs that follow.)
The entries in the register are organised by bölük, the units making up the
corps. In this register and others of the era there are a total of 196 bölüks,
presented invariably in three main sections set off by title pages, thusly:
• The first section lists the ağa bölüğüs, of which there are exactly sixty-one,
all numbered;
• the second section contained bölüğüs numbered 1–60;
• and the third section contained bölüğüs numbered 61–101, but also a
section of exactly 34 sekban bölüğüs, numbered separately and interposed
precisely between bölük 65 and bölük 66 of the main enumeration.
The entries for each bölük run 1–4 pages except for the sekbans; many of these
were short entries, four to a page. Each bölük entry is headed by an officer and
by the name of the bölük if it had one (see Figure 2). In the margin at the very
top of the first page of each entry there appears an uncommented figure; it is
the number of men (neferen) in the bölük. The entry then proceeds as a list of
the names of janissaries in the bölük and their daily wage, ten names and figures
per line. In the margin running down the outer edge of the page are numbers;
these are the sums of the daily wages of the men in each line. After all these
lines there is appended a similar, but usually shorter, list of retired soldiers and
their daily wage, and a third list naming the orphans of the bölük.
At the bottom of each bölük entry appear several calculations, among which are:
• the total daily wages of the men;
• the daily sum multiplied by 88.5 (the number used for days in a quarter);
• and the wages of the retirees, added to the above, yielding a figure for the
total quarterly wages (the yekun) of the bölük.
• One other figure at the end of the entry is the number of men in the bölük
again, but this number is always lower than the number in the top margin
of the first page of the entry.
78 İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devleti Teşkilâtından Kapıkulu Ocakları. 2 vols. Ankara,
1943; repr. 1984, I. 431–456.
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Figure 2
BOA MAD 4317,
pp. 784–785
Although the date of this register matches the date given in Risale, its numbers
do not. Let us be precise, beginning with the neferen, the number of men in the
corps. As mentioned, the register gives two different figures for the neferen in
each bölük, one in the top margin above the beginning of each entry, the other
at the end of the entry. This register happens to be damaged, with a top corner
torn off of the last four folia. The unfortunate result of this very slight blemish
is that despite the fact that every single one of the figures in the top margins of
all the other pages of the defter are written quite clearly, allowing very little
chance of a misreading, this figure is missing from the entries of the final four
bölüks. The total of the number of all the men given at the bottom of the bölüks’
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entries in the defter is 30,073, but the total for the figure appearing in the top
margins of the entries comes to 37,769, a difference of 25.6 percent higher –
and also tantalizingly close to Ayn Ali’s 37,627. Not, however, an exact match.
Might the damage to the last four folia account for the small discrepancy?
Unfortunately not. The figures for the neferen in the top margin of each
bölük’s entry – the number missing from the last four folia – correspond to the
total number of names in the entry. The figure for the neferen at the bottom of
each entry – not omitted in the last four folia – is never greater than this and
almost always less. This latter number seems to correspond to the number of
men in the bölük who actually collected their wage on this particular payday.
Neither using this number in the bottom margin as the missing number at the
top, nor doing a hand count of the men’s names in these last four bölüks (since
the regular pattern of ten names per line allows us to guess what that total
must be) yields an exact match with Ayn Ali. Thus we are left with the
discrepancy between the number of janissaries in the register and the number
of janissaries given in the Risale, and no good explanation of it.
Yet it does seem that Ayn Ali must have used the figure at the top of each
entry, which is to say that the Risale tells us the total number of men in the
janissary corps, not those who received a payment on a given payday. The
figures for daily, quarterly, and annual wages too are all significantly lower in
the register than in the Risale. The daily wage totals that appear among the
figures at the bottom of each entry turn out to be the sum of the daily wage
figures in the margins of each page of the entry. The quarterly wage total
calculated at the bottom of the entry was the result of multiplying the total
daily wage figure79 of the bölük by 88.5 (the average number of days in a period
of three lunar months of the Hijri calendar). The data from the defter yields a
total daily wage figure of 232,761 akçe for the entire corps, while Ayn Ali’s
figure is 284,381, a difference of about 22.2 percent. The defter’s data for total
quarterly wage amounts to 20,354,649, where Ayn Ali’s is 25,192,584, a
difference of about 23.8 percent. Hence Ayn Ali must have included figures for
everyone who was owed a wage, not just those who collected it.
79 In actuality, often reduced by one or two persons’ daily wages – for reasons discernible
only by reading the marginal notes accompanying the men’s names.
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Figure 3
BOA MAD 4328, p. 190
This surmise is strengthened by two other factors. First, perusal of the bölük
entries shows that the daily wage sums in the margins exclude certain names in
the line, the ones marked with a kef above the line,80 which is an abbreviation
for the annotation terk (a quitting, leaving, refraining), or terk-i hizmet (left
service), terk-i kale [kerde] (left the fortress), etc. Finally, in some pay registers
of this era, a calculation of the total daily wages of the corps and the total
payout of the quarter appear on a separate page at the end of the quarter, as a
synopsis (icmal). For example, an icmal page appears in a similar pay register
for the masar quarter (the months of Muharrem, Safer, and Receb) of the year
1017 [17 April–25 July 1607]81 (see Figure 3). Since our defter unfortunately
does not contain such an icmal page, the totals must be calculated from the
data given at the end of each bölük’s entry. When this is done and the figures
80 For example, MAD 4317, pp. 547–548, the entry for ağa bölüğü No. 2.
81 MAD 4328, p. 190.
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DOUGLAS A. HOWARD
from our defter are compared to the figures in the icmal page of masar quarter
1017, it is apparent that the interest of the finance scribes who compiled the
originals was in the daily and quarterly wages that were actually paid out,
whereas Ayn Ali wanted a total potential outlay.
The last of Ayn Ali’s figures for the janissary corps, their total wages in a full
year, does not appear anywhere in the pay registers I examined. Like his figure
for the number of men in the janissary corps, this figure is likely to have been
his own calculation, and should be acknowledged as one of his main
accomplishments. If we calculate this figure based upon the data provided by
the daily and quarterly wage tabulations at the bottom of each bölük entry in
the register, we come to a significantly lower number than that given by Ayn
Ali, and the discrepancy is of a magnitude similar to the others – pointing once
again to Ayn Ali’s use of the recorded daily wage figures of all the men, including
those “missing” on this particular payday.
Given the agreement among the manuscripts, we might state that the number
of janissaries in the Ottoman Empire in 1609 was probably 37,627, and that the
figures for their salaries and other payments and of all the groups Ayn Ali counted
were intended to represent the on-paper enrollment of the corps and their dues,
a theoretical maximum that the treasury might need to be prepared to pay out on
a given payday. Yet it is disappointing to be in possession of a register matching
the dates he used and be unable to reproduce his research method, or to reproduce
one important figure that is identical in all the manuscript copies used.
THE AUTHOR’S VOICE
Writing a quarter-century later, Koçi Bey made a polemical argument about
the salaried persons in the palace corps. Koçi Bey used different sources and
wrote with an utterly different purpose than Ayn Ali, claiming that salary rolls
in his day were inflated and that the numbers of those who actually served
their functions were but a fraction of those who drew pay. (It should be noted
that Ayn Ali cited his sources and described his research, while Koçi Bey did
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neither.)82 Ayn Ali’s work is full of data but does not really argue a thesis; it is
a report more than an essay. Its aim was simply to calculate the total cost to the
treasury of these personnel in a single year. This is not to say that the author
had no point of view, or that he left us no rewards for reading his work.
The point of view might be implied by his accomplishments in the work and
his remarks in the epilogue, the innovation in his use of the term “rank”.
The rewards are found in his creative conclusion, the epilogue to the epilogue.
The main accomplishment was that, like he had done in the Kavanin, in the
Risale too Ayn Ali brought together, in one single place, diverse information
nowhere else available in such a form. As noted above, Ottoman salary registers
did sometimes include a synopsis page with the types of data Ayn Ali collected
– the numbers of personnel and the total of their daily and periodic or“established”
payments for that pay period. Yet the salaries of the various corps and bureaus
were maintained in separate series of registers, and neither the combined outlay
to all the groups for any given pay period, nor the cumulative total cost to the
treasury in a full year, was found except rarely. Those rare documents were
revenue-and-expenditure tallies for a given year, compiled during the first
few months of the following year.83 The most recent surviving tally prior to
the anonymous petition referred to above had been done 28 years earlier in
990/1582–1583.84 It is possible that others were done in the intervening years
and do not survive, but in view of the anonymous petitioner’s request that they be
done annually, it seems likely that they had not in fact been produced in those
years. Given the complex structures of collection and expenditures, and the reality
that the central government lacked control over sizable portions of both,85 there
can be little wonder that these tallies were done only very occasionally.86
The main innovation of the Risale is its way of conceptualizing the Ottoman
administration as a set of “ranks”. The term (mertebe) is used in the name of
its chapters and in the plural (meratib) in the title of the work, “Treatise of the
Salaried Personnel and the Ranks of Bondsmen of the House of Osman”.
82
83
84
85
86
Aksüt, Koçi Bey Risalesi, 141–143.
Genç and Özvar, ‘Giriş’, 7–18.
Published in Genç and Özvar (eds.), Osmanlı Maliyesi, II. 31–97.
Genç and Özvar, ‘Giriş’, 8–10.
Darling discusses the issue in her Revenue-Raising, 237–239.
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DOUGLAS A. HOWARD
To understand this, let us look at the last table of the work, which summarizes
the contents of the four chapters. Each “rank” is given a name that appears here
for the first time. Ayn Ali explained, “The soldiers of land and sea (asakir-i berr
u bahr), the servants of the Porte (hüddam-i asitane), and the royal specialists
(zevi’l-ihtisas), and all the kul class who possess a salary having been thus
classified in four ranks, and the circumstances of the salary of each having been
explicated by way of summary, their figures in composite form too are here set
forth, since it was asked that this all be inscribed in one place.”
üres sor87
Table 4: Composite totals
Number of persons
Per day salary, in akçe
Land soldiers
75,868
Sea soldiers
2,364
Servants of the Porte
10,989
Royal specialists
1,980
Land soldiers
Sea soldiers
22,395
Servants of the Porte
78,587
Royal specialists
47,880
Total: 91,201
“Established” payments, in akçe
Land soldiers
721,463
…87
Per year salary, in akçe
63,910,123
Land soldiers
257,387,294
Sea soldiers
1,943,746
Sea soldiers
Servants of the Porte
8,662,954
Servants of the Porte
27,600,474
Royal specialists
1,526,830
Royal specialists
18,070,680
Total: 76,043,643 [sic]
87
7,774,984
Total: 310,833,432
Blank in the ms.
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AYN ALİ’S TREATISE ON THE “RANKS”
The term mertebe, then, refers not to a layer within a hierarchy but to an array
or rows of servants, standing before their master. The four mertebes stand not
one above the other but side-by-side, all bondsmen (bendegan) of the House of
Osman. In this creative image of the Ottoman ruling class the vast complexity
of the Ottoman system is cast in a four-part schema.
It comes as a surprise when, after this seemingly grand summation, the
epilogue turns to another list of officials and their salaries, a group not
mentioned previously at all, the daily salaries of several major ulema officials.
They are the şeyhülislam (750 akçe); the kadıaskers of Rumeli (572 akçe) and
Anadolu (563 akçe) and the retired holders of those two positions (250 akçe
each); the former kadı of Istanbul (120 akçe), including some who became
simple subjects after their term of service (200 akçe); the retired müftis of four
cities, Mecca, Edirne, Bursa, and Medina, in that order (100 akçe each, or
sometimes 120); and müftis retiring from other cities with the rank of mulla or
mevleviyet (90 or 80 akçe). While acknowledging that these quite substantial
payments also came out of the public treasury, Ayn Ali made no effort to
calculate their impact, neither in annual totals nor in a composite total.
Rather, he stated that such support for scholarship and the life of learning
as that given by the Ottomans could not be seen in any prior realm (devlet).
The sultan’s ancestors as well as the vezirs and other nobles and high officials
“built exalted medreses and, on behalf of those who propounded and took in
the sciences, opened and uncovered the doors of their goodness and grace and
diverted and favored and conferred all kinds of donations and continuously
established a great many trusts and good works”. As long as this continued, he
wrote, the foundations of the Ottoman Empire would endure. Though the
ulema were given their place in a structure invented by Ottoman tradition, they
were not bendegan. Men of learning, scholars of religion and law, transcend the
boundaries and the chronological beginning and ending of any empire. It
remains for royalty and the servants of royalty to give them support, and in this
the Ottoman house had excelled.
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DOUGLAS A. HOWARD
THE GIFT OF THE PEN
In a concluding “epilogue to the epilogue” Ayn Ali returned to themes hinted in
the prologue and expressed a higher purpose, to leave something to posterity.
Ayn Ali’s wording of this not uncommon hope of writers recalls his description
of Ottoman imperial structures as gifts of the largesse of the sultans. It was true
that this life is one of “dissolution and transience”. Yet “to leave something as a
monument to posterity is a sacred obligation, the debt and duty of highest and
lowest, rich and poor”.88 The wealthy and powerful are remembered for their
kindness in charitable trusts (evkaf), donations and philanthropy. Ayn Ali
himself could give nothing comparable to these, he wrote. What he had instead
was the gift of his pen, and he wielded it deftly in several clever couplets of verse.
The original begins in 11-syllable hezec, in a monosyllabic gazel form, and ends
with a rhyming couplet, hard to reproduce in translation. Not that he was one
of the great Ottoman literary masters. We are to picture not the venerable stone
monuments of the great public works, but rather the simple home—a wooden
frame filled with broken-up stone and overlaid with board planks.89
Wealth have I none, nor property to give
Yet shall I build, and make profit and gain
With materials of paper and a pen
I commenced, my creative skills my plea.
Lines the pen drew, just like an architect’s,
Elifs the strokes were, timbers shaped by tools.
Letters turned into stones, dots were pebbles;
Lines they became, a filled and solid wall.
Shortly it was done, and then moved into,
A wonder of fortune and artistry.
Should the Shah of Ages bless it with breeze,
Bright it would be, full of light and fresh air.
88 Esad 2361, fol. 40v.
89 Thanks to William Hickman for help interpreting the poem, and to Linda Darling for
reading this entire paper and making a number of valuable suggestions for changes.
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THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS
IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA
Antal Molnár
Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
molnar.antal@btk.mta.hu
Buda, the capital of the medieval Kingdom of Hungary, was the centre of
Ottoman Hungary – the seat of a vilayet – between 1541 and 1686, and stood
as the northernmost bastion of Ottoman Balkan culture.1 The former royal city
and Pest, on the other side of the Danube, was home to large Muslim, Jewish,
Orthodox and Catholic populations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
similarly to Sarajevo and Belgrade, but with the additional element of a Protestant
Hungarian community. We have few sources on the everyday life of the nonMuslim population of Buda and their religious and cultural affairs, although
their Ottoman-era history has been the subject of an excellent monograph by
This paper has been written with the support of the research project number NKFIH
K-129236, Christianity versus Islam. At the Crossroads between Crusades and Coexistence in the
16th and 17th Centuries.
1 A recent survey of the sixteenth-century population of Ottoman Buda: Géza Dávid, ‘»…sem
az várast nem vetik zsákmánra, sem senkit nem bántanak…« Török világ Budán’, in Idem, Pasák
és bégek uralma alatt. Demográfiai és közigazgatás-történeti tanulmányok. Budapest, 2005, 79–87;
On Ottoman Pest, see Katalin Melis Irásné, ‘Pest during the Ottoman Era’, in Ibolya Gerelyes and
Gyöngyi Kovács (eds.), Archaeology of the Ottoman Period in Hungary. (Opuscula Hungarica, 3.)
Budapest, 2002, 161–172.
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ANTAL MOLNÁR
Lajos Fekete.2 Research in recent years has given us new knowledge of the Muslim
religious institutions of the two towns,3 the Jewish communities,4 the Ragusan
merchants5 and the Serbian Orthodox church.6
The upsurge in Vatican research after 1990 has turned up much less than
expected on the Catholic church of Buda and Pest. The mission reports sent to
Rome provide abundant information on religious affairs in South Hungary
but rarely mention these two northern towns.7 A provincial seat lying far from
the bases of the Bosnian and Croatian Catholics in Slavonia and South
2 Lajos Fekete, Budapest a törökkorban. (Budapest története, 3.) Budapest, 1944. See also:
Lajos Fekete and Lajos Nagy, Budapest története a török korban. Budapest, 1986.
3 Balázs Sudár, Dzsámik és mecsetek a hódolt Magyarországon. (Magyar Történelmi Emlékek.
Adattárak) Budapest, 2014, 170–230, 438–452.
4 György Haraszti, Két világ határán. Budapest, 1999, 57–105; Tamás Raj and Péter Vasadi,
Zsidók a törökkori Budán. Budapest, 2002.
5 Antal Molnár, Egy raguzai kereskedőtársaság a hódolt Budán. Scipione Bona és Marino Bucchia
vállalkozásának története és dokumentumai (1573–1595). / Eine Handelsgesellschaft aus Ragusa
im osmanischen Ofen. Geschichte und Dokumente der Gesellschaft von Scipione Bona und Marino
Bucchia (1573–1595). (Források Budapest Közép- és Kora Újkori Történetéhez, 2. / Quellen
zur Budapester Geschichte im Mittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit, 2.) Budapest, 2009.
6 Antal Molnár, ‘Szerb ortodox egyházszervezet a hódolt Magyarországon’, in Tamás Csáki
and Xenia Golub (eds.), Szerb székesegyház a Tabánban. Az eltűnt Rácváros emlékezete. Kiállítási
katalógus. Budapest, 2019, 32–63.
7 Many of the Roman sources for Ottoman Hungary are available in print. István György
Tóth, Relationes missionariorum de Hungaria et Transilvania (1627–1707). (Bibliotheca Academiae Hungariae in Roma. Fontes, 1.) Roma, Budapest, 1994; Idem, Litterae missionariorum
de Hungaria et Transilvania (1572–1717). 5 vols. (Bibliotheca Academiae Hungariae in Roma.
Fontes, 4.) Roma, Budapest, 2002–2008; Antun Dević, Đakovačka i Srijemska biskupija. Spisi
generalnih sjednica Kongregacija za širenje vjere 17. stoljeće. (Monumenta Croatica Vaticana, 3.)
Zagreb, 2000; Idem, Đakovačka i Srijemska biskupija. Arhiv Kongregacija za širenje vjere. Razni
fondovi. 17–18. stoljeće. (Monumenta Croatica Vaticana, 6.) Zagreb, 2005; Marko Jačov, Spisi
Kongregacije za propagandu vere u Rimu o Srbima. Vol. 1: 1622–1644. (Zbornik za istoriju, jezik
i književnost srpskog naroda. II. odeljenje, 26.) Beograd, 1986; Idem, Le missioni cattoliche nei
Balcani durante la guerra di Candia (1645–1669). 2 vols. (Studi e Testi, 352–353.) Città del
Vaticano, 1992; Idem, Le missioni cattoliche nei Balcani tra le due guerre: Candia (1645–1669), Vienna e Morea (1683–1699). (Studi e Testi, 386.) Città del Vaticano, 1998. The documents that
have been published in parallel with these books will be quoted only from István György Tóth’s
corpus, which publishes the texts much more accurately than the other corpus, and with thorough annotations. See also: István György Tóth, ‘Bosnyák ferencesek a hódoltsági misszióban’, in
Idem, Misszionáriusok a kora újkori Magyarországon. Budapest, 2007, 257–309.
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Hungary was not suited to be a Catholic mission centre, unlike with the betterdefended trade centre of Belgrade to the south. Catholic missionaries rarely
ventured to the civil and military centre of Ottoman Hungary. Evliya Çelebi
summed up the ethnic composition of the city with the words “Buda’s entire
population is Bosniak and Bosnian.”8 Not surprisingly, the only Catholic clergy
who dared to settle there permanently were the Bosnian Franciscans, after
1633. Pest-Buda appear very sporadically in the Roman documents, apart
from missionaries’ contacts with the pasha of Buda and his authorities. The
two towns are mentioned in some documents connected to the superiors of the
Bosnian Franciscan residence in Buda and in the reports of visiting mission
bishops. Using travel accounts, diplomatic dispatches, Ottoman census records,
a few letters of the Buda and Pest councils and the classic corpus of Euzebije
Fermendžin,9 Albert Gárdonyi, Lajos Fekete, Miklós Jankovich, Ágnes
Ritoókné Szalay and László Balázs have produced a survey of the Ottomanperiod history of the Christian churches and population of Pest and Buda.10
Here, I have gathered together the scattered information and studied hitherto
unpublished archive sources to present the history of the Bosnian Franciscan
house in the capital of Ottoman Hungary, adding to the very little we know
about the Christian population of Pest-Buda in the Ottoman age.11
8 Cümle ahâlî-i Budin Boşnak ve Bosnavîlerdir. Evliyâ Çelebi b. Derviş Mehemmed Zillî, Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi. Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi Revan 1457 Numaralı Yazmanın Transkripsiyonu–Dizini. Vol. 6. Ed. by Seyyid Ali Kahraman and Yücel Dağlı. İstanbul, 2002, 153.
9 Eusebius Fermendžin, Acta Bosnae potissimum ecclesiastica cum insertis editorum documentorum regestis ab anno 925 usque ad annum 1752. (Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum
meridionalium, 23.) Zagrabiae, 1892.
10 Albert Gárdonyi, ‘Buda és Pest keresztény lakossága a török hódoltság alatt’, in Tanulmányok Budapest múltjából. Vol. 5. Budapest, 1936, 13–33; Fekete, Budapest a törökkorban,
145–169; Miklós Jankovich, ‘Buda város keresztény tanácsa a török hódoltság korában’, in
Tanulmányok Budapest múltjából. Vol. 14. Budapest, 1961, 147–159; Ágnes Ritoókné Szalay,
‘Csanaki János pesti pap’, in Tanulmányok és szövegek a magyarországi református egyház XVI.
századi történetéből. (Studia et Acta Ecclesiastica, 3.) Budapest, 1973, 923–928; László Balázs,
‘A pesti református egyház a török hódoltság alatt’, in Kálvin téri tanulmányok. Tanulmányok a
Budapest Kálvin téri Református Gyülekezet történetéhez. Budapest, 1983, 11–23.
11 The previous Hungarian version of this paper is: Antal Molnár, A katolikus egyház a hódolt
Dunántúlon. (METEM Könyvek, 44.) Budapest, 2003, 167–181. István György Tóth and the
present author have published new sources on the presence of the Bosnian Franciscans in Buda:
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ANTAL MOLNÁR
BACKGROUND TO THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS’
ARRIVAL IN PEST
Our knowledge of the sixteenth-century history of the Christian congregations
and churches of Ottoman Buda and Pest comes mostly from the writings of
German and Hungarian Protestant reformers (mainly Philipp Melanchton,
Zsigmond Torda of Gyalu and Péter Melius Juhász), and above all from the
reports of travellers who visited Buda.12 After the Ottoman invasion in 1541,
the Catholic church organisation disappeared from the city. The last Hungarian
representatives of the Catholic Church, the Observant Franciscans, left Buda
the same year, and the last time friars were sent to the Pest house was in 1542.13
In both towns, the majority of the Hungarian population who remained joined
the Reformation, first following the Luther–Melanchton doctrines, but the
Helvetic Confession became prominent in the 1550s and the Anti-Trinitarians
also made an appearance in the second half of the century. Followers of the
Catholic faith were primarily Ragusan merchants who came with the Ottomans
and insisted on the right to practise their religion openly in Buda. Thanks to
István György Tóth, ‘Kié Buda? Az esztergomi érsek és a belgrádi apostoli vikárius vitája a
hódolt Budáról 1678-ban (Forrásközlés)’, in Péter Tusor (ed.), R. Várkonyi Ágnes emlékkönyv
születésének 70. évfordulója ünnepére. Budapest, 1998, 251–257; Idem, ‘Sarajevói dokumentum
a pesti bosnyák ferencesekről (1664)’, Történelmi Szemle 44 (2002) 115–133; Antal Molnár,
‘Az esztergomi érsek hódoltsági vikáriátusának történetéhez’, Magyar Egyháztörténeti Vázlatok.
Regnum 14:1–2 (2003) 13–17.
12 The principal names, in chronological order, are: Hans Dernschwam (1555), Stefan Gerlach (1573), Salomon Schweiger (1576), Melchior Besolt (1584), Reinhold Lubenau (1587),
Wenzel Wratislaw of Mitrowitz (1591), David Chytraeus (Oratio, 1574) and Philippus Lonicerus (Chronicorum Turcicorum tomus primus. 1584). For other travellers’ accounts, see Aladár
Ballagi, Buda és Pest a világirodalomban 1473–1711. Vol. 1. Budapest, 1925, 332, 352; Karl
Nehring, Iter Constantinopolitanum. Ein Ortsnamenverzeichnis zu den kaiserlichen Gesandtschaftsreisen an die Ottomanische Pforte 1530–1618. (Veröffentlichungen des Finnisch-Ugrischen
Seminars an der Universität München. Serie C, 17.) München, 1984, 53–55; Irmgard Leder,
Nachrichten über die Osmanen und ihre Vohrfahren in Reise- und Kriegsberichten. Analytische
Bibliographie mit Standortnachweisen 1095–1600. (Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica, 49.) Budapest, 2005, 119–205.
13 János Karácsonyi, Szt. Ferencz rendjének története Magyarországon 1711-ig. 2 vols. Budapest, 1924, II. 22, 139–140.
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this, the Church of Mary Magdalene, which Christians were allowed to use,14
was the place of worship for both the Hungarian Protestants and the Ragusan
and Bosnian Catholics: the choir was occupied by the Catholics, and the nave,
separated by a wooden screen, by the Protestants. There were also Protestant
Hungarians and Ragusan merchants living in Pest, but we are unable to
establish with certainty the location of their church (which may also have been
in joint use).15
During the Long War, the Ottomans, encouraged by their early successes,
turned the Christians out of the Buda church and converted it into a mosque
(Feth camii, ‘Mosque of Victory’). After the war, both Catholic and Protestant
religious affairs focused on Pest, although Christian religious practice (particularly
Protestant) probably did not completely cease in Buda. The destruction of the
war and the resulting ethnic changes took their effect in Pest and Buda: the
Hungarian population of both contracted during the seventeenth century, and
Serbs and Bosnians arrived in their place. The shift in ethnic proportions
strengthened the Serbian Orthodox and the Catholic churches at the expense of
the Reformed churches. Although there are unbroken records of Reformed
clergy in Buda and Pest after the 1620s, the two communities in the seventeenth
century were only shadows of what they had been in the sixteenth.16
Catholic priests in Buda and Pest in the sixteenth century were all Ragusan
clergy, as in other towns in Hungary and the Balkans. In 1565, the Ragusan
Franciscan Seraphinus Pantanus arrived in Buda (or rather in Pest). His
theological dispute with the Reformed Church preacher of Ráckeve, István
Szegedi Kis, has been related by Máté Skaricza in his fascinating biography of
14 This was the later garrison church. It was damaged in the Second World War and demolished in 1952, leaving only the tower and some ruins of the walls. (Budapest I., Kapisztrán tér
6.) Frigyes Pogány (ed.), Budapest műemlékei. Vol. 1. (Magyarország Műemléki Topográfiája,
6.) Budapest, 1955, 365–383; Hungarian Atlas of Historic Towns. Vol. 4: Buda, Part 1: to 1686.
Ed. by András Végh. Budapest, 2015, 40–41.
15 Gárdonyi, ‘Buda és Pest keresztény lakossága’, 14–15, 18; Fekete, Budapest a törökkorban,
157–159, 168; Balázs, ‘A pesti református egyház’, 13–17.
16 Gárdonyi, ‘Buda és Pest keresztény lakossága’, 18–21; Fekete, Budapest a törökkorban, 87;
Jankovich, ‘Buda város’, 151–154; Balázs, ‘A pesti református egyház’, 18–21; Idem, ‘Csanaki
János pesti református lelkész és utódainak története’, Theológiai Szemle 39 (1996) 363–371.
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Szegedi Kis.17 A will dated 1591 mentions two Buda chaplains: Friar Jacomo
and Friar Giovanni.18 In the late sixteenth century, Don Vincenzo di Augustino
of the Diocese of Ragusa worked in Buda, and we know much more about him
than about his colleagues. He was the parish priest of Lisac near Ston (Stagno)
from 1581 to 1587, when, at the request of the Ragusan merchants in Buda,
the Archbishop of Ragusa, Raffaello Bonelli, appointed him chaplain of the
trading post and the surrounding area. Two years later, he returned to Ragusa
and became chaplain of St Mark’s nunnery in Ragusa, but at the end of the
next decade, he was back in Buda. In 1599, he arrived in Rome from Ragusa
and appeared before the Holy Office (Sacra Congregatio Romanae et
Universalis Inquisitionis seu Congregatio Sancti Officii) as the former chaplain
of the Hungarian capital. He delivered a long report on the affairs of the Church
in Ottoman areas and requested many authorisations and exemptions for his
pastoral work. His report is one of the most fascinating sources of religious
affairs in the Ragusan trading posts and Ottoman Buda. He was even activly
supported by the Buda merchants: they wrote a letter of recommendation on
his behalf to the “strongman” of the court of Pope Clement VIII, Cardinal
Giulio Antonio Santoro, who was in charge of the Catholic missions. The letter
and the report confirm that even after being deprived of their church, Catholics
continued to practise their religion in Buda after 1596. Subsequently, Don
Vincenzo disappears from view for a decade and a half. We next hear of him in
Sofia in 1613, and there is information on him as chaplain of the Ragusan
merchants there until 1617.19
Reports on the Catholics of Buda start to become frequent in the 1620s,
after the Long War. The first missionary to report on the Buda Catholics was
a Ragusan priest named Paolo Torelli. He was the nephew of Bonifacije
Drakolica, a Ragusan Franciscan and apostolic visitor in the Balkans, and had
17 Géza Kathona, Fejezetek a török hódoltsági reformáció történetéből. (Humanizmus és reformáció, 4.) Budapest, 1974, 105.
18 Jorjo Tadić and Toma Popović, Dubrovačka arhivska građa o Beogradu. Vol. 2. (1572–
1593). Beograd, 1976, 261; Molnár, Eine Handelsgesellschaft aus Ragusa, 275.
19 The report is published and discussed in Antal Molnár, ‘A Chaplain from Dubrovnik in
Ottoman Buda: Vincenzo di Augustino and his Report to the Roman Inquisition about the
Situation of the Balkan Catholicism’, Dubrovnik Annals 18 (2014) 95–121.
312
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THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA
served in Bácska (Bačka) since 1615 with the title of Abbott of Bács and VicarGeneral of the Archbishop of Kalocsa. In 1623, he travelled from Ragusa to
Hungary, and was in Buda in August to retrieve the property of his deceased
(probably merchant) brother. His efforts were in vain, because his brother’s
2000 scudos had been dissipated in the meantime. He also engaged in pastoral
activities during his business trip, hearing confessions in a private house for a
few days, and saying mass for the town’s 135 Catholics, who had not had their
own priest for several years.20
At almost the same time as Torelli’s visit, the winter of 1623, two Jesuits
also arrived in Buda. Dániel Vásárhelyi and Daniel Bastel were commissioned
by the convert Count Michael Adolph von Althan to travel to Ottoman lands,
accompanied by imperial envoy Michael Starzer, to redeem the Austrian,
Bohemian and Moravian prisoners taken by the Ottomans during Gábor
Bethlen’s attack. The Jesuits stayed in Buda until spring 1624 and succeeded in
freeing about three hundred prisoners. The Jesuit annals record that there were
no more than fifteen Catholics among them, the rest belonging to various
Protestant confessions: Hussites, Picardites, Calvinists, Anabaptists,
Schwenckfeldians, Swiss Brothers, and a few Lutherans. Encouraged by their
preachers, they had awaited liberation by Bethlen’s troops, but instead, the
Ottoman and Tatar forces had taken them captive. A condition of their freedom
was naturally conversion to Catholicism. During their months in Buda, the
Jesuits also engaged in pastoral work, as was reported in the Jesuit annals.
Their journey was arduous because of the winter weather. They slept on the
ground, lived on bread and water, and said mass in private houses, there being
no churches. In Buda, in the house of allegedly the most stalwart Reformed
follower, they said mass for the local Bosnian Catholics, and were not obstructed
by either the host or the Turks. About a hundred confessed and took the
sacrament, suggesting a rather small Catholic community. According to their
report, they confirmed the faith of Bosnians who were leaning to Islam, and
encouraged several Serbs to unite with the Roman Church, clearly without
much success, despite the optimistic tone of the account. Like their fellow
20 Antal Molnár, Le Saint-Siège, Raguse et les missions catholiques de la Hongrie Ottomane
1572–1647. (Bibliotheca Academiae Hungariae in Roma. Studia, 1.) Roma, Budapest, 2007,
183; Tóth, Litterae, I. 157–159.
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ANTAL MOLNÁR
Jesuits in Belgrade, they met with Bosnians who had converted to Islam but
regarded themselves as having only superficially adopted their new religion
and as being Christians in their souls. One such crypto-Christian helped them
in redeeming children who had fallen into captivity.21
The increasing number of Bosnians in the 1620s took effect in the economic
sphere. Like their compatriots in Belgrade and Sarajevo, the Bosnian merchants
in Buda and Pest got the upper hand over their old rivals, the Ragusans. In
Sarajevo, they took control of the trading post in 1626, while in Belgrade, their
struggle with the Ragusans for commercial hegemony and the associated
patronage of the Catholic chapel lasted nearly two decades. We know almost
nothing of the commercial and church conflicts in Buda. In his 1630 account
of the strife in Belgrade, Don Simone Matkovich mentioned the preceding
events in Buda, where the Bosnians succeeded in undermining the Ragusans’
business.22
Some petitions submitted in 1632 and 1633 to the Roman authority in
charge of the missions, the Congregation of Propaganda Fide, may be connected
with the Bosnians’ presence and strengthening economic position in Buda.
These concern a request for a Bosnian Franciscan who was studying in Naples
to be appointed bishop of Buda. The documents are quite clearly fakes:
Belgrade and Buda Bosnian “counts” and Italian Bosnian Franciscans asked the
Roman authorities to appoint Giorgio Paleologo (alias Giorgio Pranich di
Buda), son of their leader, Elia Paleologo (conte de Desni),23 as bishop of Buda
21 The list of liberated captives: Archivio storico della Sacra Congregazione per l’Evangelizzazione dei Popoli o de “Propaganda Fide” (henceforth APF) (Città del Vaticano), Scritture
Originali riferite nelle Congregazioni Generali (henceforth SOCG), Vol. 385, fols. 551r–554r.
On Althan’s re-Catholicization activity that extended into Ottoman Hungary: Mihály Balázs et
al., Erdélyi és hódoltsági jezsuita missziók (1609–1625). Vol. I/2. (Adattár XVI–XVIII. századi
szellemi mozgalmaink történetéhez, 26/2.) Szeged, 1990, 412–413; Antal Molnár, ‘Végvár és
rekatolizáció. Althan Mihály Adolf és a katolikus restauráció kezdetei Komáromban’, in Idem,
Elfelejtett végvidék. Tanulmányok a hódoltsági katolikus művelődés történetéből. (Régi Magyar
Könyvtár. Tanulmányok, 9.) Budapest, 2008, 139–148.
22 Antal Molnár, ‘Struggle for the Chapel of Belgrade (1612–1643): Trade and Catholic
Church in Ottoman Hungary’, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 60 (2007)
73–134, especially 104–105, 107–108.
23 Desni may mean the village of Besnyő, also referred to in the sources as Desna, Desinia
and Desgna, see note 57 below.
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THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA
or possibly Belgrade. They grounded their request principally on the oppression
they had suffered at the hands of the Serbian vladikas. The letters are utterly
confused and the signatures obviously false. The Roman authorities dismissed
the request, and would have done so in any case, because Buda had never been
a bishop’s seat, and the Catholic missions in Ottoman lands never planned an
ecclesiastical seat in the town. Nonetheless, the petition, as well as relating the
ambition of a mountebank Franciscan, indicates the presence and aspirations
of the Bosnians in Buda.24
THE FRANCISCAN RESIDENCE IN PEST
AND ITS REGION
The Bosnian Catholics of Buda and Pest acquired their first independent
church in 1633, through the offices of Friar Filip Kamengrađanin, a Bosnian
Franciscan with a somewhat chaotic life history. Brother Filip had evangelised
along the River Drava in 1631 among Croatian followers of the Reformed
Church, and in 1633, went to Pest, where he acquired the church from the
Reformed Church congregation, converted seven Reformed Church families
and introduced Catholic religious practice. According to his report, he achieved
all this through a theological debate held before the pasha of Buda; in reality,
he used the Bosnian Franciscans’ good contacts with the Ottoman apparatus
and some bribery. He gained support for his Pest mission from István Balogh,
captain-general of Tata, who promised to maintain the two Bosnian Franciscans
24 The petitions and related documents: APF SOCG, Vol. 75, fols. 417r–424r; APF Acta
Sacrae Congregationis (henceforth Acta), Vol. 8, fol. 227rv; APF Lettere e Decreti della Sacra
Congregazione (henceforth Lettere), Vol. 13, fol. 54r. Pietro Massarecchi, Archbishop of Antivari, wrote in his opinion on the petitions that he had never heard of the counts who had signed
them. The Turks did not grant such titles to Christians, although there were Catholic Bosnians
serving in the Ottoman army in the frontier regions. Serbian bishops did not perform forcible
conversions, and he did not understand why, if these alleged counts had as good relations with
the Ottoman authorities in Buda as they asserted, they could not defend themselves from the
Serbian priests. That aside, he found the Italian of the letters so good that they must have been
written in Italy or Belgrade, because nowhere else was there a Bosnian or Hungarian who knew
the language so well. APF SOCG, Vol. 75, fol. 420rv.
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Figure 1
Ludwig Nicolaus von Hallart and Michael Wening,
Series of views of Buda from the four cardinal directions, south,
1684, detail (Budapest History Museum)
Figure 2
Ludwig Nicolaus von Hallart and Michael Wening,
Series of views of Buda from the four cardinal directions, north,
1684, detail (Budapest History Museum)
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THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA
Figure 3
Unknown artist, Saint Anthony of Padua, around 1700,
detail with the Franciscan church in Pest (Budapest History
Museum)
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ANTAL MOLNÁR
in the Pest chapel. Subsequently, he went to Transylvania, where he worked
beside Stjepan Tuzlak, the leader of the Bosnian Franciscans sent to the
principality. In 1634, he went to seek mission authorisation in Rome, where his
experiences in Hungary immediately persuaded Propaganda Fide to
commission him as visitor to the parishes in Ottoman Hungary. The Franciscan
minister general, however, appointed him as visitor to the Bosnian Franciscan
province to calm the internal discord there. Friar Filip’s appointment as
commissary and visitor turned out to be the worst possible decision. In early
1635, the entire province turned against him and complained to the Ottoman
authorities, effectively impeding his operation. He could not have been highly
competent in any case: the astonishingly poor Latin of his letters and his
previous career tell of an uneducated, vagabond friar.
Seeing the opposition of the province, Propaganda Fide withdrew his
commission and let him retreat to either the parish of Pest or a friary of his
choice. The hapless friar spent some time in Sarajevo hoping something would
turn up, and then left Bosnia for Pest. In a letter to Rome dated 2 February
1636, he complained that the provincial had seized and torn up the
authorisations the Congregation had granted him and divested him of his
clothes, books and other possessions. In Buda, he built a house, forced out the
Reformed Church preacher, cleaned up the church and increased the number
of the faithful. Although Friar Filip and his fellow members consistently gave
Buda as their location of operation during 1636 and 1637, it is quite certain
that he was again working in Pest, and the church he had occupied in 1633
became the Bosnian Franciscans’ Church of St Joseph in Pest. According to
his fellows in the order, his activity in Pest was also ridden with scandal. In
December 1635, Friar Marko Bandulović met in Vienna with some Buda
merchants who urged his removal. There was no need for such action, however,
because he had to flee Pest in early 1637. According to his enemies, the pasha
of Buda nearly had him burned for his relations with Turkish women; his
friends claimed that he had to depart because of false accusations by Reformed
Church followers. After his departure, he became parish priest of the village
of Selci in Slavonia, and that is the last we hear of him.25 The sources next
25
Molnár, Le Saint-Siège, 261–262; Tóth, Litterae, I. 474–482, 712–714.
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THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA
mention the Pest Reformed church only in 1647, when Nagykőrös council
donated three forints and thirty deniers towards its construction.26
The Bosnian Franciscans continued to refer to their church as being in
Buda, but it actually stood in Pest,27 and seventeenth-century engravings locate
it to what is now Gerlóczy Street. It was probably destroyed during or directly
after the recapture of the town.28 There is also a contemporary representation
of the building: the little church in the background of a seventeenth-century
painting of St Anthony can with near certainty be identified as the Bosnian
Franciscans’ church in Pest.29 Records of the Franciscan Order in Pest and its
chapel become more frequent in the 1640s, mainly in reports of visits by
mission bishops. The first prelate to go to Buda was Giacomo Boncarpi of
Belgrade, titular bishop of Himeria, who had started as an Italian Minorite
friar. He set off for the Ottoman Empire from Vienna in the company of
imperial envoys in October 1642. After an enforced rest in Komárom
(Komarno) for three months, he went to Buda in 1643, and from there, the
Bosnian Franciscans escorted him south to Slavonia. He spent a few days in
Buda while his Ottoman passport was prepared and a wagon and escorts were
found for him. During this time, he said mass several times for the local
Catholics and administered confirmations and other sacraments. The great
significance of his activity in Buda is that he was the first Catholic bishop to
come to the former Hungarian capital since the Ottoman occupation.30 His
26 Áron Szilády and Sándor Szilágyi, Okmánytár a hódoltság történetéhez Magyarországon.
Nagy-Kőrös, Czegléd, Dömsöd, Szeged, Halas levéltáraiból. Vol. 1. (Török-magyar-kori Történelmi
Emlékek. Első osztály: Okmánytár, 1.) Pest, 1863, 142; Balázs, ‘A pesti református egyház’, 19.
27 According to old histories of the order, the church occupied by Filip Kamengrađanin
stood in Buda, and the Franciscans moved to Pest later. Karácsonyi, Szt. Ferencz rendjének
története, II. 364–365.
28 The building marked E in Pest in the series of urban views by Ludwig Nicolaus von Hallart and Michael Wening is the church of the Christians and thus almost certainly identical
with the church of the Bosnian Franciscans. György Rózsa, Budapest régi látképei (1493–1800).
(Monumenta Historica Budapestiensia, 2.) Budapest, 1963, 61–62, 167, 178–179, 264 (Nos.
15, 70, 77, 118), Plates XXVIII–XXXI; Hungarian Atlas, 4. (Buda), C.6. Plates 1–4. See the
attached figures.
29 Erzsébet Szabó, ‘A ferencrendiek pesti XVII. századi temploma’, Műemlékvédelem 13
(1969) 13–18. See the attached figure.
30 Molnár, Le Saint-Siège, 286.
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ANTAL MOLNÁR
successor, Marin Ibrišimović, bishop of Belgrade, stayed in Buda between 11
and 18 July 1649, during which he confirmed 238 people.31
The most active bishop in the history of Ottoman Hungary, Matej Benlić,
visited the capital of the province several times between 1656 and 1673. On
every occasion, he said mass, preached and administered confirmation, and
sometimes even consecrated a church. The most detailed surviving report is of
his visit in 1656: he stayed in Pest-Buda and the surrounding villages in June and
September.32 During his time in Pest, the Reformed community were attempting
to regain half of the church by giving 260 forints to the defterdar, who wanted to
set up a mosque there, but at Benlić’s encouragement, the Catholics bought back
their property for 300 forints.33 He was back in Buda in March 1660,34 and in
1664, confirmed 302 people there. At that time, many of the Pest Catholics had
fled because of the war, and the Franciscans were obliged to billet soldiers during
the winter.35 In 1669, he again toured the villages belonging to the Franciscan
residence in Pest, when he conferred the sacrament of confirmation on 817
people.36 In summer 1673, he visited the whole of Ottoman Hungary, travelling
through the Eger and Gyöngyös region and the villages around Buda and ending
his tour in Pécs. As he went, he carried out many confirmations, ordained some
priests, and consecrated twenty-three bells.37
The Franciscan house in Pest was not raised to the rank of friary, but like
those in Belgrade and Sarajevo, it operated as a residence headed by a warden
(praesidens). Until the late 1660s, it housed two friars: the warden served the
faithful in Pest, while his fellow worked in the Bosnian villages around Buda.
31 Tihamér Vanyó, ‘Belgrádi püspökök jelentései a magyarországi hódoltság viszonyairól
1649–1673’, Levéltári Közlemények 42 (1971) 327–328; Tóth, Litterae, III. 1734.
32 9 June: Besnyő – 95 men and 105 women confirmed; 11 June: Ráckeresztúr – 132 men
and 127 women confirmed; 13 June: Tököl – 86 men and 90 women confirmed; 24 June: Pest
– 58 men and 2 women confirmed; 27 June: Esztergom: 7 men and 8 women confirmed. 22–28
September, he was again in Buda.
33 Iván Borsa and István György Tóth, ‘Benlich Máté belgrádi püspök jelentése a török
hódoltság katolikusairól 1651–1658’, Levéltári Közlemények 60 (1989) 125–128.
34 Tóth, Litterae, III. 2276–2277.
35 Vanyó, ‘Belgrádi püspökök’, 331; APF SOCG, Vol. 306, fol. 66r.
36 Vanyó, ‘Belgrádi püspökök’, 333–334.
37 APF Scritture riferite nei Congressi (henceforth SC) Bosnia, Vol. 2, fol. 207r.
320
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THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA
In the last decade and a half of Ottoman rule, the number of residents increased
sharply: a register of the province of 1674 records that there were six priests
and one brother living in Pest,38 and in 1679, Franjo Sudić (Franciscus a
Varadino) mentioned four brothers in his history of the order.39 The increase
in the number of friars implies a rise in the significance of the residence and a
higher rate of settlement by Bosnians in North Transdanubia. Unlike the
Bosnian and Slavonian parishes, the residence was never subordinated to a
friary but always directly to the provincial, who also received its income, using
it to cover the enormous costs of calling together the provincial chapter. In a
document issued in Fojnica on 7 March 1664, Matej Benlić confirmed the
direct jurisdiction of the provincial on the grounds that the Bosnian Franciscans
and the Bosnian merchants had founded the “Buda” and Tököl parishes and
had ejected the heretics from St Joseph’s Church in Pest, and the provincials
had always provided the parish priests. If they were nonetheless to come under
some friary, it should be one in Bosnia and not Slavonia.40 The revenues must
have been substantial. Friar Luka Ibrišimović claimed the income could have
maintained a friary of thirty residents, and he thought it would be more proper
to distribute among poorer friaries which were educating novices.41
Despite the insistence of the Bosnians, the superiors of the Pest house were
usually chosen from among the Slavonian brothers. In 1658, the warden was a
certain Friar Bonaventura, who – together with the Slavonian Franciscans –
supported Bishop Benlić.42 The residence was headed between 1658 and 1662
by Luka Ibrišimović, and between 1662 and 1665, and again between 1671
38 18a familia di Buda in Hungaria supra numerata in principio: il P. fra Gioseppe Bilavich
presidente, il P. fra Michele Celanovich, il P. fra Paolo Banovich, il P. fra Simone Ribarovich, il P. fra
Marco da Dragotina, il P. fra Tomasso da Citluk, fra Gioanni da Bagnaluca laico. APF SOCG,
Vol. 450, fol. 127v. An indication of the standing of the residence is that the first four friars were
also provincial definitors.
39 Franciscus a Varadino, Descriptio Provinciae Bosnae-Argentinae Anno 1679. Szabadka, [1909].
40 M.[ijo] V.[jenceslav] Batinić, ‘Njekoliko priloga k bosanskoj crkvenoj poviesti’, Starine
JAZU 17 (1885) 83; Tóth, ‘Sarajevói dokumentum’, 131–132.
41 Josip Barbarić and fra Miljenko Holzleitner, Pisma fra Luke Ibrišimovića zagrebačkim
biskupima (1672.–1697.) (Biblioteka Posegana, 6.) Jastrebarsko, 2000, 2–4.
42 Fermendžin, Acta Bosnae, 484.
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ANTAL MOLNÁR
and 1674, by Luka Marunčić, both born in Požega.43 The Pest warden between
1666 and 1669 was probably the Martin Poženanin, who was praised by the
Slavonian Franciscans in a certificate issued in 1669.44 From 1674 to 1677, the
warden was Nikola Bilavić, and from 1677 to 1680, it was Nikola Perišić.45 In
1681, Šimun Varešanin headed the residence.46 We also know the names of the
last two friars before liberation: Stjepan Turso and the Dalmatian Friar Jakov
remained in the town right up to the siege of 1686, when Stjepan fled to
Székesfehérvár, leaving Jakov to tend to the faithful in the town after it was
surrounded.47
We find little in the reports of mission bishops, letters sent to Rome, or
travellers’ accounts about the Catholics of Pest and the surrounding area.
According to Benlić, only a few Bosnian Catholics lived in Pest. The Franciscans
maintained St Joseph’s Chapel, provided the requisite liturgical appurtenances
and said mass daily. In 1668, the church and the Franciscan house were
renovated, and the chapel was given a timber roof. It was clearly for this
building work that Leopold I, emperor and king of Hungary, had the Hungarian
Chamber send 300 forints. The faithful from the surrounding area came to
Pest for major feasts. In addition to the Catholics, there were many Serbs living
in the town, who had their own church, but when Benlić visited, they and their
priests attended Catholic worship.48 Travellers to Pest-Buda also mentioned
the Franciscan chapel in the second half of the seventeenth century (Henrik
Ottendorff, 1663; Edward Brown, 1669; and Giovanni Benaglia, 1680).49 The
Bishop of Csanád, Giacinto Macripodari, also made an appearance in the Pest
43 Franjo Emanuel Hoško, ‘Luka Ibrišimović i sukobi među slavonskim i bosanskim franjevcima Bosne Srebrene’, in Idem, Franjevci u kontinentalnoj Hrvatskoj kroz stoljeća. (Analecta
Croatica Christiana, 32.) Zagreb, 2000, 104, 116.
44 APF SOCG, Vol. 448, fol. 82r.
45 On these two, see the documents quoted below on Marunčić’s work as the archbishop’s vicar.
46 Karácsonyi, Szt. Ferencz rendjének története, II. 366.
47 Ivan Stražemanac, Povijest franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene. (Biblioteka Latina et
Graeca, 26.) Ed. by Stjepan Sršan, Zagreb, 1993, 240.
48 György Piusz Szabó, Ferencrendiek a magyar történelemben. Adalékok a magyar ferencrendiek történetéhez. Budapest, 1921, 317–318; Borsa and Tóth, ‘Benlich Máté’, 126; Vanyó, ‘Belgrádi püspökök’, 334.
49 Gárdonyi, ‘Buda és Pest’, 20–21; Szabó, ‘A ferencrendiek’, 16–18.
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THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA
church on his journey to the Holy Land in 1668.50 By contrast, there were
hardly any Catholics living in Buda by the seventeenth century. In 1656, the
bishop found only eight Catholic families and occasionally-resident merchants
in the town.51
The Pest Franciscans tended the Catholic population of two major Ottoman
administrative centres: Esztergom and (Székes)Fehérvár. Benlić also visited
Esztergom on 26–28 June 1656, where he inspected the castle and the Bakócz
Chapel, whose altar and ornaments he found in good condition, considering
the circumstances. The six Catholic families who lived in the populous suburbs
of the castle received frequent visits from the Pest priests, and since there was
no church, the priest said mass in the house of one of the Catholics.52 The
bishop did not go to Fehérvár, and we have no details of the Pest Franciscans’
work there.53
Starting in the 1650s, the Pest brothers served three, and later four, formal
parishes other than Pest. The largest was Tököl, on Csepel Island. In 1656,
there were thirty-six Bosnian families living in the village, having taken the
place of the previous Reformed-church inhabitants, and in 1672, the bishop
counted 520 Catholics. They built their church in 1656 by restoring the
50 Antal Molnár, ‘Egy „magyar” püspök a török hódoltságban. (Macripodari Jácint csanádi
püspök levele Szelepcsényi Györgyhöz 1668-ban)’, Levéltári Közlemények 72 (2001) 74.
51 Borsa and Tóth, ‘Benlich Máté’, 127. By contrast, according to an excerpt of a since lost
report by Benlić of 1672, the bishop did not find Catholics in Pest, but there were 663 of them
in Buda who visited the church in Pest. Tóth, Relationes, 179. This statement directly contradicts the other information, and the person who wrote the excerpt probably misunderstood the
report. See Tóth, ‘Sarajevói dokumentum’, 124–125.
52 Borsa and Tóth, ‘Benlich Máté’, 127–128. According to Lipót Kollonich, there were two
hundred Serbian families living in Esztergom in 1685; the Jesuit Márton Szentiványi put the
number at one hundred. Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Archivio della Nunziatura in Vienna, Processi dei Vescovi e degli Abbati No. 222. On Ottoman Esztergom, see Géza Dávid, ‘Esztergom
szerepe és sorsa a török korban’, in Idem, Pasák és bégek, 89–95.
53 Benlić mentioned in his 1669 report that they served the Catholics of Esztergom and Fehérvár. Vanyó, ‘Belgrádi püspökök’, 333. Regular pastoral connections may also be inferred from
Friar Stjepan Turso’s departure for Fehérvár in 1686. Catholics of Esztergom and Fehérvár are
also included among those who signed the letter (discussed below) that he sent to Rome in
support of Marunčić on 24 September 1677. APF SC Bosnia, Vol. 3, fol. 70r. On Ottoman
Székesfehérvár, see Klára Hegyi, Székesfehérvár a török korban. Székesfehérvár, s. d.
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THE BOSNIAN FRANCISCANS IN OTTOMAN PEST-BUDA
medieval building that had since been used by the Reformed church, and the
bishop dedicated it to the Nativity of Mary in September the same year.54 They
repaired it in 1669, roofing it with timber.55 Towards the end of Ottoman rule,
the Bosnian friars had their own house in Tököl, occupied by an elderly priest
who served the surrounding Bosnian villages.56 In 1656, Benlić visited Besnyő,
where there was no church, but appurtenances for mass were available for the
Pest priests who visited regularly. In Ráckeresztúr, a cave-like little church was
built immediately before the bishop’s visit, dedicated to Apostles Peter and
Paul, and it was blessed by him in 1656.57 Letters written in the 1670s mention
four parishes under the jurisdiction of the Franciscan house: Pest, Tököl,
Besnyő and Varbica (Varbita or Varbizza).58 I have been unable to identify the
latter, because it cannot be reconciled with any present place name or one that
appears in a historical source. Its inhabitants most probably perished during
the wars of reconquest.59 In seventeenth-century Hungarian sources, we also
find several newly-built Catholic Bosnian villages in North-East Transdanubia
tended by the Pest friars. There was a steady growth of the parishes already
mentioned, as well as those of Ercsi, Ágszentpéter, Perkáta, Érd and Sóskut in
the first half of the century.60 In 1658, Benlić estimated the number of Catholics
54 Borsa and Tóth, ‘Benlich Máté’, 126, 139; Tóth, Relationes, 179.
55 Vanyó, ‘Belgrádi püspökök’, 334.
56 Stražemanac, Povijest, 240.
57 Borsa and Tóth, ‘Benlich Máté’, 125–126, 139.
58 Barbarić and Holzleitner, Pisma, 4; APF SC Bosnia, Vol. 3, fols. 27rv, 70r; APF SOCG,
Vol. 465, fol. 167rv.
59 Of the twenty-one South Slav villages in Fejér County, sixteen were abandoned between
1683 and 1686. Károly Jenei, ‘A délszláv betelepülés előzményei és folyamata Fejér megyében’, in Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Veszprémi Akadémiai Bizottságának Értesítője. Vol. 2:
A Dunántúl településtörténete. 1. (1686–1768). A székesfehérvári településtörténeti konferencia
anyaga (1975. május 26–27.) Ed. by Gábor Farkas. Veszprém, 1976, 187–199, particularly
193. In the first half of the eighteenth century, the villages Tököl, Érd (Hamzsabég), Ercsi and
Perkáta belonged to the Pest residence. Stražemanac, Povijest, 246.
60 Jenei, ‘A délszláv betelepülés’, 190–192; Lajos Nagy, ‘Adalékok a Fejér megyei jobbágyság
történetéhez (1543–1768)’, Alba Regia 1 (1960) 80–81. See also Károly Jenei, ‘Iratok Fejér
megye török hódoltságkori történetéhez’, in Fejér Megyei Történeti Évkönyv. Vol. 6. Székesfehérvár, 1972, 171–210; Előd Vass, ‘Források a székesfehérvári szandzsák történetéhez 1543–
1688’, in Fejér Megyei Történeti Évkönyv. Vol. 19. Székesfehérvár, 1989, 69–200.
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served by the Pest Franciscans at two thousand,61 but using contemporary
estate censuses, Károly Jenei has put the number of Catholic Bosnians and
Croatians in Fejér County at three thousand.62
LUKA MARUNČIĆ, VICAR OF THE ARCHBISHOP
OF ESZTERGOM IN BUDA (1676–1679)
One of the crucial developments in the late seventeenth-century history of
the Bosnian Franciscan province was the rise of Catholicism and Franciscan
friaries (Velika and Našice) in Slavonia, accompanied by efforts to secede from
the Bosnian province. The causes must be sought above all in the rising regional
identity within the Bosnian Franciscan province, which had swelled to
enormous proportions, and internal strife deriving from personal antipathies.
In the second half of the seventeenth century, the friars of Velika, leading the
movement of Slavonian members of the Bosnian province, tried to break away
from the Bosnian friaries and set up their own province. Following several
decades of struggle they also refused to recognize the jurisdiction of the bishop
of Bosnia over the Slavonian parishes, and their ultimate objective was to set
up a separate Slavonian diocese. Their first step was to support the bishop of
Belgrade, and then in 1658, they were taken under the wing of the bishop of
Zagreb, who subsequently chose a vicar from among them for the parts of his
diocese that were under Ottoman rule. The first vicar was Petar Nikolić,
guardian of Velika (1658–1675), and after he died, his mandate passed to
Luka Ibrišimović (1675–1694). This rid them of the bishop of Bosnia, but
their ambition to found an independent province fell on the resistance of
Propaganda Fide. The chief mission authority moved to break resistance by
banning the intake of Slavonian novices between 1665 and 1676. The
appointment of the vicar-general had a long-term effect on several West
Slavonian parishes that had belonged to the Diocese of Pécs in the Middle
61
62
Borsa and Tóth, ‘Benlich Máté’, 142.
Jenei, ‘A délszláv betelepülés’, 192.
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Ages. After the expulsion of the Ottomans, they were assigned to the Diocese
of Zagreb.63
The Bosnian Franciscans were present north of the Drava-Danube line in a
fundamentally different form than they were to the south, in Bosnia, Dalmatia
and Slavonia. In Hungary, they did not set up a single friary during the 150
years of Ottoman rule, in sharp contrast to practice in the southern lands of
establishing friaries as bases to serve the surrounding parishes. Instead, parishes
in Hungary were placed under the authority of Bosnian and Slavonian friaries.
Consequently, despite the constant presence of Franciscans of the Bosnian
province, Hungary was always a peripheral area, and focal points of their
activity were in the southern areas. The steadily-swelling Catholic population
in the Temesköz area was served by the Bosnian friaries – principally Olovo
– and apostolic prefectures centred in Karassevó and – later – in Karánsebes
(Caransebeș) and Lippa (Lipova), all frequently quarrelling with each other.
They managed to prevent the formal mission designation of the Bácska
parishes, which thus operated under the jurisdiction of the Olovo friary.64
In Transdanubia, the area we are primarily interested in, the Bosnian
Franciscans settled relatively late, and in smaller numbers. In the 1620s, they
appeared along the Drava, in the major Ottoman centres of administration, and
in the Croatian villages south of Lake Balaton. The pastoral division of the
Catholic villages of Ottoman Transdanubia was in place by the second half of the
century. Hungarian parishes in Baranya were served by Jesuits in Pécs, and
Catholic villages to south and east of Lake Balaton by Jesuits in Andocs. This
involved the work of between thirty and forty licentiates, lay Catholic pastors
licensed by a prelate.65 The areas along the Drava and the Danube were served by
the Bosnian Franciscans: scattered records tell us that friars from Olovo and –
63 Franjo Emanuel Hoško, ‘Luka Ibrišimović i crkvene prilike u Slavoniji i Podunavlju potkraj 17. stoljeća’, in Idem, Franjevci, 123–137. Much of the correspondence between the bishops
and their vicars has also appeared in print: Radoslav Lopašić, ‘Slavonski spomenici za XVII.
viek. Pisma iz Slavonije u XVII. vieku (1633–1709)’, Starine JAZU 30 (1902) 1–177, passim;
Barbarić and Holzleitner, Pisma.
64 The most recent survey of their activities in Hungary is Tóth, ‘Bosnyák ferencesek’.
65 For a survey of the topic, see Antal Molnár, ‘Katholische Jurisdiktion im Grenzgebiet
des Osmanischen Reiches. Das Beispiel Ungarn’, in Norbert Spannenberger and Szabolcs
Varga (eds.), Ein Raum im Wandel. Die osmanisch-habsburgische Grenzregion vom 16. bis
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mainly – Našice worked in Kanizsa, Sziget, Atád, Bátaszék66 and the “Balaton
Parish”, which embraced the villages of Somogy County inhabited by Catholic
Croatians and Bosnians.67 In the final decades of the seventeenth century, the
church organisations of the Kingdom of Hungary also started to show an interest
in the Catholics of Ottoman Hungary. The Pauline friar Andrea Francisci
ventured from the Pápa friary into Ottoman territory.68 The Bosnian Franciscans
studying in the Sümeg friary also crossed the Habsburg–Ottoman border: in
1680, Miklós Kamengrádi received permission from István Sennyey the Younger,
bishop of Veszprém, to be a mendicant in the lands beyond Lake Balaton.69 In
the 1670s, missionaries of the Croatian–Slavonian Franciscan Province of St
Ladislaus also appeared in Ottoman lands: in 1673, Ipoly Merkas built a church
in Szentmárton near Kanizsa and tended the Catholic flock of the area.70 In
these years, Jesuits on mission work in Légrád Castle also went into villages
under Ottoman rule, and they, too, worked among Croatian Catholics in the
Kanizsa area.71
The Pest residence stood apart from the other institutions of the Bosnian
province in several respects. Firstly, it was the Bosnian Franciscans’ only formal
institution in Hungary proper, located beside one of the main Ottoman
political centres in Europe. The Franciscans clearly took advantage of the
18. Jahrhundert. (Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropa, 44.)
Stuttgart, 2014, 181–196.
66 APF SOCG, Vol. 306, fols. 65v–66r, Vol. 320, fol. 105r, Vol. 446, fols. 257r, 258r; APF
SC Bosnia, Vol. 1, fol. 136r; Borsa and Tóth, ‘Benlich Máté’, 136.
67 The Somogy County villages belonging to the “parochia di Balatin” are listed in Pavao
Posilović’s report of his 1648 church visitation, but he distorted the names of the villages so much
that they are very difficult to identify. Antal Molnár, ‘Scardonai püspökök ad limina jelentései
1624–1648’, Fons 1 (1994) 313; Tóth, Litterae, III. 1731–1733. A mention of the Balaton parishes:
APF SOCG, Vol. 305, fol. 317rv. A Bosnian Franciscan saying mass in Miháld in Somogy County
in 1664 was cut down by Tatars who burst into the church. Vanyó, ‘Belgrádi püspökök’, 331.
68 Molnár, Katolikus egyház, 129–130.
69 Magyar Ferences Levéltár, Szalvatoriánus rendtartomány iratai, Érseki és püspöki kiadványok, Sümeg, 14 November 1680.
70 APF SOCG, Vol. 440, fol. 106r, Vol. 446, fols. 255r–258r, Vol. 451, fols. 3r, 4r, 6v.
71 Litterae Annuae Societatis Iesu Provinciae Austriae, 1671. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (Wien) Cod. 12068. pag. 113–114; Miroslav Vanino, ‘Misijska izvješća XVII. i XVIII.
vijeka’, Vrela i prinosi 2 (1933) 59–61.
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proximity of the pashas of Buda during their proliferating court cases of the
second half of the seventeenth century. Secondly, through the donations of
Bosniak merchants and craftsmen in Buda, Pest, Esztergom and Fehérvár, and
the wealthy Transdanubian villages, they had substantial revenues. Finally, it
lay very far from the other friaries of the province but close to the border of the
Kingdom of Hungary, and it was logical that in the 1670s, it became the
principal nest of resistance for friars turning against the provincial leadership
and aiming for independence.
One key figure of the internal conflicts of the Bosnian Franciscan province
was Luka Marunčić. He was the only prominent Slavonian-born Franciscan
who did not join his compatriots’ autonomy movement but supported the
Bosnian bishops’ claims for jurisdiction in Slavonia. His attitudes and activities
clearly stemmed from personal ambitions, which did not – at least initially –
seem to be completely unrealistic.
Marunčić was born in Požega on 10 October 1623, probably into a merchant
family. Matej Benlić, bishop of Belgrade, was his uncle.72 He entered the order on
28 October 1640, was ordained priest on 6 August 1647, and became secretary
to Bishop Benlić in 1651. Between 1662 and 1665, he was warden of the Pest
residence, during which he had a wall built around the church and acquired
liturgical appurtenances. In 1665, he became guardian of Velika, in 1668, a
provincial definitor, and in that capacity had the church and friary of Našice
renovated. In the disputes of the 1660s, he still unequivocally supported the
Slavonian Franciscans’ ambitions for autonomous jurisdiction.73 In 1671, he
once again became the warden in Pest, rebuilt St Joseph’s Church in Pest, and
72 That, at least, is the message of his letter to his brother Ivan Marunčić in Rome, complaining that the provincial had broken into Friar Luka’s cell in Velika and taken away valuable
goods which his third brother Đuro had left for safekeeping in the friary. APF SOCG, Vol.
449, fol. 228r.
73 He stated this claim in a complaint he lodged against his fellows in the order in 1667. It
reveals that he was already very well-connected among the Ottoman authorities. The Bosnian
Provincial, Franjo Miletić and his secretary were accused of taking tax to the pope and betraying the country in a Turkish-language document submitted to Ali Pasha of Temesvár in 1662.
The guardians of Olovo and Fojnica bribed the pasha’s courtiers to retrieve the complaint. APF
SOCG, Vol. 306, fols. 232r–233v.
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claimed to have converted many heretics.74 That may have been when he made
contact with György Szelepcsényi, archbishop of Esztergom, whom he informed
of events in Ottoman lands via the Hungarian Deputy Captain-General of
Komárom, András Drahosóczy.75 In 1673, as confidant of Nikola Ogramić,
bishop of Bosnia and provincial of Bosnia, he became the guardian of Velika, and
at the same time, Ogramić appointed him Slavonian vicar-general, as a
counterweight to the vicariate of Zagreb.76 Resistance by the Slavonian
Franciscans forced him to resign his post early the next year. From that time on,
Marunčić was dedicated to opposing the bishop of Zagreb’s jurisdiction in
Ottoman Hungary and was the sworn enemy of its defender, Luka Ibrišimović.
He effectively became the standard-bearer of the bishop of Bosnia’s plans to
expand into Slavonia.77 In addition to his personal ambitions, he was no doubt
influenced in his choice by diverging conceptions of Slavonian identity in church
organisation and political and cultural affairs. In the second half of the seventeenth
century, two conflicting visions for the future of the region – anti-Turkish and
pro-Turkish – emerged in the Bosnian Franciscan province, most notably in its
Slavonian friaries. This echoed developments in the Orthodox churches operating
in the Ottoman empire and its vassal states. Ibrišimović’s entire work served the
former conception, while the friars promoting links to Bosnia saw their longterm future within the framework of the Ottoman Empire, and that was one
reason for opposing the break from the provincial centre.
After the death of Bishop Benlić of Belgrade in 1674, Marunčić sought to
take his place but the province, particularly the Slavonian Franciscans, and
Bishop Martin Borković of Zagreb and Jeronim Paštrić, agents of the
Dalmatian and Bosnian churches in Rome, unanimously took a stand against
his appointment.78 In Rome, the old complaints against him were re-examined:
74 For his autobiography, see APF SOCG, Vol. 447, fol. 47r.
75 Österreichisches Staatsarchiv (Wien), Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Ungarische Akten,
Specialia, fasc. 324, Konv. E, fols. 62r, 63r.
76 APF SC Ungheria e Transilvania, Vol. 1, fol. 422rv.
77 Of the many letters of complaint relating to him, see Barbarić and Holzleitner, Pisma, 16;
Nadbiskupski arhiv Zagreb (henceforth NAZ) Epistolae ad Episcopos (henceforth Epist. ad
Episc.), Vol. 101, No. 42.
78 Lopašić, ‘Slavonski spomenici’, 30–31, 34–35; NAZ Epist. ad Episc. Vol. 7, No. 75,
84, Vol. 8, No. 64; NAZ Epistolae Episcoporum (henceforth Epist. Episc.) Vol. 2, No. 98;
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that he had forcefully seized the parishes from the secular priests, reported his
fellow members to the Ottoman authorities, conducted an affair with a married
woman and taken dubious women into his cell. Propaganda Fide therefore
excluded him from the list of candidates for bishop.79 In the middle of 1675, he
returned home from Rome and submitted a complaint to Sokolović Ali Pasha
of Diakóvár (Đakovo), accusing his opponent Luka Ibrišimović of spying,
collusion with the enemy and plundering friaries and parishes.80 With his
fellow Franciscan Luka Petrović, who according to the records of an investigation
was his “evil spirit”, accused the Franciscan provincial of dressing up slaves in
the newly-opened novitiate in Velika and smuggling them out of Ottoman
territory. He also accused him that together with Ibrišimović he was plotting
to bring forces from Hungary and Venice to expel the Turks.81 This led to
Marunčić’s complete marginalization within the province. The Franciscan
minister general excluded him from the list of candidates for provincial at the
request of Propaganda Fide, and the commissary general of the Franciscan
order wanted to banish him to a friary in Italy.82
Barbarić and Holzleitner, Pisma, 18–20, 28, 34; APF SOCG, Vol. 448, fols. 225rv, Vol. 449, fols.
187r–189r; APF Congregazioni Particolari (henceforth CP), Vol. 23, fols. 1r–106v, particularly
fols. 58r–59v, 66r, 74r, 76r, 81rv, 83rv, 86r–93r, 97r, 100r–101r. For the story of the quarrels see
Hoško, ‘Luka Ibrišimović i sukobi’, 116–118; Idem, ‘Luka Ibrišimović i crkvene prilike‘, 130–133.
79 APF Acta, Vol. 46, fols. 67v–68r, 182r–183v; APF Lettere, Vol. 63, fols. 23v–24r.
80 Lopašić, ‘Slavonski spomenici’, 42–43; Barbarić and Holzleitner, Pisma, 54, 302–306. On
his return to Fojnica and Velika, Nikola iz Iloka, the Procurator of the Bosnian Franciscans
in Rome, sent several letters to their Roman agent, Jeronim Paštrić, reporting on Marunčić’s
manoeuvres against Provincial Antun Travničanin and against Ibrišimović. APF SC Bosnia,
Vol. 2, fols. 415rv, 417r, 418r, 419r.
81 After the death of Nikolić, Petrović wrote a letter to the bishop of Zagreb claiming that
Ibrišimović was born illegitimately and preached heresies and Mohammedanism. According to
the witnesses, mainly from Požega, the reason for the conflict between the two friars was the
Zagreb vicariate, for which Petrović was also obviously applying. APF SOCG, Vol. 461, fols.
204r–213v. See also: APF SOCG, Vol. 458, fols. 154r–159v; APF Acta, Vol. 46, fols. 182r–183v.
82 APF SOCG, Vol. 455, fols. 241r; NAZ Epistolae Diversorum ad Diversos (henceforth
Epist. Div.), Vol. 5, Nos. 21, 26. Interestingly, in 1675, the previous provincial, Antun Travničanin, directly approached the emperor in his capacity of apostolic king to prohibit Rome from
directly intervening to support Marunčić’s candidacy as provincial. This was too much even for
the Hungarian Chancellery, who were particularly attentive to the royal rights of patronage.
They said that it was not their affair. APF SOCG, Vol. 455, fols. 238r, 239rv.
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With this history, he had little opportunity for advancement in the Bosnian
province, and in 1676, tried different means to gain church office. Joining forces
with Petrović, he launched an attempt to gain control of the Pest residence and
to wrest autonomy from the Bosnian province. Petrović travelled to Rome and
bribed an official of the Holy See, Andrea Renalducci, to have Propaganda Fide
formally declare the Pest residence a mission.83 Parishes with mission status were
no longer accountable to the province and handled their revenues autonomously,
as it had happened in the case of the Temesköz parishes. Since the Bosnian
province clearly did not wish to lose revenue and jurisdiction, it bitterly opposed
the foundation of missions on the areas under its pastoral authority.84
After the failure of their efforts in Rome, the two renegade friars approached
the other party with an interest in Ottoman Hungary, the Hungarian Catholic
hierarchy. In late 1676 or early 1677, Marunčić visited Archbishop György
Szelepcsényi of Esztergom and – as had been done two decades earlier by his
fellow Franciscan, Bishop Petar Nikolić of Zagreb – offered to defend the
archbishop’s jurisdiction in the parts of his archdiocese under Ottoman rule.
He had himself appointed the archbishop’s vicar-general, with his seat in Buda,
and Petrović was granted the parish of Varbica. They then went to Buda, forced
out the warden, Nikola Perišić, and took control of the Buda residence.85
These manoeuvres by Marunčić and Petrović provoked outrage in Rome
and Bosnia that raged for two years. Their case became the object of heightened
interest when Marunčić, under the pseudonym Cozianovich, contrived to
obtain a favourable decision from Propaganda Fide, and when this failed, he
simply forged a Roman decree assigning the Buda residence to himself. His
appointment as vicar gave his rebellion a significance far beyond the usual rows
among the Bosnian Franciscans, and the events became part of the struggle of
the Hungarian bishops and the mission hierarchy.
Letters sent to Rome between 1677 and 1679 give us a clear idea of the
interests pursued by the parties to the dispute and the positions they took. Two
clerics working in Ottoman lands, Provincial Marko Vasiljevčanin and the vicar
general of the bishop of Belgrade, Ivan Branković iz Dervente, particularly
83 APF SC Bosnia, Vol. 2, fol. 470rv, Vol. 3, fols. 27r–28v.
84 Molnár, Le Saint-Siège, 306–311.
85 APF SC Bosnia, Vol. 3, fol. 27rv.
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opposed Marunčić’s appointment as vicar-general. With the mandate granted by
Szelepcsényi, covering the whole of Ottoman Hungary, the two friars had firstly
withdrawn themselves from the jurisdiction of the order and secondly got hold
of the substantial Pest revenues, without which – according to the provincial – it
was impossible to call the provincial chapter. To avoid similar cases, the provincial
proposed that no Hungarian bishop should appoint a vicar for Ottoman lands
from among the Bosnian Franciscans without the permission of Propaganda
Fide, because the Bosnian Franciscan friars only accepted such a post for money
and power.86 Branković, vicar-general of Belgrade, hung on with tooth and claw
to the positions of the mission system in Hungary, and wanted to get Propaganda
Fide’s help in having the Hungarian bishops withdraw their vicars’ mandates. In
letters sent to Rome, he complained about the vicars of non-resident bishops: the
Pécs Jesuits representing the bishop of Pécs, the Szeged Franciscans working
under the authorisation of the bishop of Csanád, and the Bosnian Franciscans
appointed as vicars of Esztergom and Zagreb, who did not accept the jurisdiction
of Propaganda Fide, obstructed the work of the mission bishops and their vicars,
and brought the suspicion of espionage upon themselves and their flock.87
The archbishop of Esztergom, who was defending the jurisdiction of the
Hungarian church under Ottoman rule was of course determined to uphold
his rights as the highest ordinary in Ottoman Buda. He saw the resistance of
the Bosnian province as being directed solely at enabling the Franciscans to
escape ordinary jurisdiction and live freely without any discipline. He justified
his endeavours before Propaganda Fide on the grounds of church discipline:
he considered the proper care of his flock, and the removal from the parishes
of friars ignorant of the language and living scandalous lives, to be his obligation
as prelate. Without proper church representation, he was unable to uphold his
rights: one Bosnian Franciscan tore up the indulgence he had sent to Buda, and
Branković and the provincial wrote letters to the Buda flock vilifying his name
and denying all of his jurisdiction in Ottoman lands.88
We know the least about the opinion of the Buda faithful. Only two letters
from them survive, expressing opposite standpoints. One, demanding Marunčić’s
86 APF SOCG, Vol. 465, fols. 167r–168v, 174r–175v, Vol. 470, fols. 285rv.
87 APF SOCG, Vol. 465, fols. 171r, 172r; APF SC Ungheria e Transilvania, Vol. 2, fols. 94rv.
88 APF SOCG, Vol. 465, fols. 169r, 170r.
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removal, was sent to the Bosnian provincial on 12 February 1676 by sixteen
Buda Catholics. They praised the chaplains sent from Bosnia and protested the
presence of Marunčić, with whom they had many disputes in the past, during
his six-year priesthood in Buda.89 The other is dated 24 September 1677, sent
to Propaganda Fide by representatives of the faithful in Besnyő, Tököl, Varbica,
Buda, Esztergom and Fehérvár, requesting that Marunčić be appointed. In this
letter, the objects of complaint are the Bosnian chaplains. The last of these,
Nikola Perišić, had bargained away their church, costing them five thousand
forints to redeem it. Consequently, they would rather remain without a priest
than endure the outrages of the Bosnians. They accepted only the excellent
Marunčić, and they would give their donations to friaries in need rather than to
the provincial, who used the money to buy horses and clothes for the Turks.90
The tenor and wording of both of these letters clearly betray that they were at
least inspired by the two opposing Franciscan groups if not written by the friars
themselves. The letters certainly reveal that there were many Bosnian Catholic
merchants, craftsmen and peasants living in and around Pest, and both sides in
the church dispute sought their support.91
Propaganda Fide and its representative in the Vienna court, the Nuncio
Francesco Buonvisi, took a quite unequivocal position in the matter. In the
preceding years, Marunčić’s enemies had discredited him in Rome to such an
extent that the chief mission authority was certainly not going to support his
aims, and the forgery of letters had certainly not improved his position. The
mandate as vicar he had received from the archbishop of Esztergom again violated
Propaganda Fide’s jurisdiction. Consequently, the nuncio’s task right from the
start was to explain to Szelepcsényi the Congregation’s concerns and discreetly
persuade him to withdraw the mandate given to Marunčić. The idea of arresting
89 APF SC Bosnia, Vol. 3, fol. 30rv.
90 Ibid., fol. 70r.
91 The Bosnian provincial and Branković’s strongly-worded instructions to the Catholic
merchants of Buda against Marunčić: APF SOCG, Vol. 465, fols. 171r–175v. (Bosančica original and Latin translation that Szelepcsényi sent to Rome). On the presence of Bosnian merchants and craftsmen in Hungary in the second half of the seventeenth century, see Bogumil
Hrabak, ‘Srpski i bosanski trgovci i zanatlije u Ugarskoj pre i peposredno posle velike seobe
1690. godine’, Sentandrejski zbornik 3 (1992) 57–99.
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ANTAL MOLNÁR
Marunčić was also considered, but the plan proved unfeasible in Ottoman Pest.92
In the first week of August 1678, Marunčić fled the plague epidemic in Pest and
Buda and went to the village of Besnyő, where he worked in the church of St John
the Baptist. The Bosnian provincial sent a new parish priest to replace him, Friar
Petar from the parish of Majevac in North Bosnia. Petar naturally did not
recognize the archbishop of Esztergom’s jurisdiction over the Pest residence.
Marunčić wanted to clarify this somewhat confused situation to the leadership of
the order. Accordingly, he sought an appearance before the newly-elected
provincial, Grgo Kovačević, bearing the archbishop’s mandate.93
The archbishop, seeing the disquiet in Rome concerning his vicar, somewhat
toned down the assertive tone of his previous letters and tried to change his line,
while maintaining his authority. He clearly recognized that the Bosnians had
been using him in their internal disputes, which were of no interest to him
whatever. Accordingly, he tried to contact the provincial and, ridding himself of
the compromised Marunčić, appoint as vicar the Franciscan designated by the
provincial. The provincial did not cooperate, however, having no wish for the
jurisdiction of another prelate to work its way into Ottoman Hungary. Ultimately,
the relatively insignificant Buda position was not worth all the trouble it was
causing Szelepcsényi, who – stressing the damage to his jurisdiction and his
obedience to Propaganda Fide – declared himself willing to renounce the
appointment of the vicar. All he asked was to be told the reasons for the decision,
to soothe his conscience. Propaganda Fide fulfilled this request: its decision of
28 January 1679 instructed the nuncio to inform the archbishop.94
This brought the story of the short-lived Buda vicariate to an end. From
then on, we hear about what happened to Marunčić mainly from his enemies,
principally Luka Ibrišimović. After the Buda fiasco, he returned to Slavonia. In
autumn 1680, he again denounced Ibrišimović to the Ottoman authorities
92 APF Acta, Vol. 47, fols. 150r–151v, Vol. 48, fols. 87r–88r, Vol. 49, fols. 29r–30r; APF
Lettere, Vol. 66, fols. 21v–22r, Vol. 67, fols. 27v–28r.
93 He signed his letter to Szelepcsényi from Besnyő, written on 29 August 1678, with the
name Lucas Kocianovich. Molnár, ‘Az esztergomi érsek’, 16.
94 Tóth, ‘Kié Buda?’, 253–257; Ferenc Galla, Pápai kinevezések, megbízások és felhatalmazások
Erdély, a Magyar Királyság és a Hódoltság területére, 1550–1711. (Collectanea Vaticana Hungariae. Classis II, 3.) Ed. by Péter Tusor and Krisztina Tóth. Budapest, Vác, 2010, 132.
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with the accusation of treason. Ibrišimović languished in the prison of the bey
of Požega from 1 to 19 October, released only with the help of his influential
Turkish friends and a 210-forint bribe paid by the friary of Velika.95 In autumn
1682, Marunčić went to the parish of Dugo Selo to obtain the letters of the
Slavonian Franciscans and show them to the Turks, but Ibrišimović’s friend
and helper, the Franciscan László Jankovics of Varasd (Varaždin), persuaded
the hajdús/heyducks to capture him and take him to Kapronca (Koprivnica).
He was supposed to stay in the St Ladislaus Franciscan province of Croatia–
Slavonia, but in captivity, he promised to improve himself and took part in
gathering intelligence. He was released in early 1683. The leopard did not
change its spots, however: he obtained Ibrišimović’s letters to the imperial
officers and threatened to hand them over to the grand vizier. The Slavonian
Franciscans wanted to have him captured by Ivan Radmanić, voivode of
Szentgyörgy (Đurđevac), their greatest supporter in the years before the war.96
In May 1683, he was taken to Kapronca once again.97 In a letter from the castle
jail of Krapina written on 28 September 1683, he complained bitterly to
Bishop Martin Borković of Zagreb about the injustices wrought upon him. He
was on his way, in the public interest, to the emperor, the archbishop of
Esztergom and from there to the bishop of Zagreb, when he was treacherously
taken captive.98 In the final years of the century, he worked in the Slavonian
parishes for Bishop Ogramić of Bosnia.99 After 1686, relationships between
the Bosnian Franciscans of Pest and the Hungarian hierarchy, as in the whole
area of Ottoman Hungary, formed up under the restored Hungarian church
organisation, independently of the Congregation of Propaganda Fide.100
95 Barbarić and Holzleitner, Pisma, 106.
96 Ibid., 116–124.
97 NAZ Epist. ad Episc. Vol. 98, No. 79.
98 NAZ Epist. ad Episc. Vol. 15, No. 43. He claimed to have been known in the Vienna
court for thirty years, and among his supporters were Archbishop György Szelepcsényi of Esztergom and his predecessor, György Lippay, Chancellor Tamás Pálffy, Count Portia and Prince
Lobkowitz, and Generals Leslie, Puchaim, Souches and Montecuccoli.
99 Barbarić and Holzleitner, Pisma, 162, 174; Hoško, ‘Luka Ibrišimović i sukobi’, 118; Idem,
‘Luka Ibrišimović i crkvene prilike’, 132–133.
100 Franjo Emanuel Hoško, ‘Prosvjetno i kulturno djelovanje bosanskih i hrvatskih franjevaca
tijekom 18. stoljeća u Budimu’, Nova et vetera 28 (1978) 113–179.
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Balázs Sudár
Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
sudarbalazs@gmail.com
In seventeenth-century Ottoman affairs, the network of contacts among high-
placed persons played perhaps an even larger part than it had in previous times.
As the scope of authority shifted from the sancakbeyis to the beylerbeyis, many
of whom came from the sultan’s palace, Ottoman internal politics became
much more centralized. There were fewer players on the stage, and they knew
each other better and maintained closer relations, in both the positive and
negative senses. In addition, their contacts were not restricted to officials
of the empire, but included the rulers of vassal states and leading figures in
neighbouring countries. Consequently, we can properly understand the events
in a specific region only if we know about the careers of the principal players
and their personal networks. Géza Dávid has done lasting and essential work
in this field, including biographies of many dignitaries and identifying the
heads of administrative units. Here, I would like to wish him a happy birthday
with work of a similar kind: the biography of an Ottoman dignitary whose
activity extended to the Hungarian frontier lands.
Mürteza Pasha’s career followed a well-established pattern. He served in the
palace for a long period, and although his membership of the leading elite
lasted only fifteen years (1621–1636), he performed very important functions.1
He also had a major impact on the Hungarian frontier lands, and although the
1 There is very brief summary of his life in Antal Gévay, A’ budai pasák. Vienna, 1841, 29;
Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmani. Osmanlı Ünlüleri. İstanbul, 1996, IV. 1118. Much more
detailed is Nedim Zahirović, Murteza Pascha von Ofen zwischen Panegyrik und Historie: eine
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beginning and the end of his active period was spent on the eastern frontiers,
he spent several eventful years on the western front. As pasha of Bosnia, Buda
and Silistra, he was highly influential in “Hungarian affairs” and attracted
considerable attention from Hungarian, and especially Transylvanian, leaders.
Before launching into his story, let us look at the principal outlines of
Ottoman history in the 1620s and 1630s, the stage on which Mürteza had to
play his part.2 His career started in a period of deepest crisis. The young and
combative Osman II (1618–1622) was murdered by the janissaries in May
1622, the first time anything of the kind had happened in the House of Osman.
He was replaced by the previously-deposed, half-witted Mustafa I (1617–
1618, 1622–1623), put on the throne through the harem lobby led by his
mother Halime Sultan. Hardly a year passed before his leadership was leading
the empire to ruin, and the younger Kösem Sultan effected a putsch in 1623,
placing her child Murad on the throne but in fact ruling herself, through the
grand viziers. This arrangement brought some stability, but when Murad IV
(1623–1640) reached his majority in 1632, to everyone’s surprise, with the
support of his mother, he seized complete power. High-handed, full of his own
ideas and with a high reputation for martial skills, Murad evoked the old, great
rulers, but lacked experience and moral strength, and his rule was oppressive, if
successful in many respects.
The 1620s started with severe problems on the Polish front, but the peace of
1621 temporarily settled relations there. Subsequently, a series of celali revolts in
Anatolia caused much worry for the leaders in Istanbul. Taking advantage of
these internal problems, the shah of Persia launched an attack, capturing
Baghdad in 1623 and endangering the stability of the eastern frontiers. Murad
literarisch-historische Analyse eines osmanischen Wesirspiegels von Nergisi (El-vaşfü l-kāmil fīah. vāli l-vezīri l-ādil). Wiesbaden, 2010, 103–107.
2 İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Tarihi. Vol. III/1. Ankara, 1995, 127–208; Halil İnalcık, Devlet-i ‘Aliyye. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Üzerine Araştırmalar. Vol. 2: Tagayyür ve Fesâd
(1603–1656): Bozuluş ve Kargaşa Dönemi. İstanbul, 2014, 167–228; Leslie P. Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire. New York, Oxford, 1993, 91–112;
Caroline Finkel, Osman’s Dream. The History of the Ottoman Empire. New York, 2005, 196
–222; Baki Tezcan, The Second Ottoman Empire. Political and Social Transformation in the Early
Modern World. New York, 2010, passim.
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responded with a series of campaigns, ending with the recapture of the city in
1638 and the Treaty of Kasr-i Shirin in 1639, and the fighting stopped for a
while. As well as the “big questions” there were of course a host of smaller
matters to deal with. In the northwest region, these included Gabriel Bethlen’s
(1613–1629) attacks against the Kingdom of Hungary, the uprising of Şahin
Giray in the Polish frontier region and the movements of the Nogais.
Bethlen, the prince of Transylvania, saw the outbreak of the Thirty Years’
War as his opportunity to gain control of Hungary and put an end to the
Habsburg dynasty’s possession of the Hungarian crown. His connection with
the Ottomans gave the venture an awkward aspect. Would the newly-captured
lands be joined to Transylvania and thus become territories subject to the
sultan, or remain independent, preventing the establishment of a single state
that included Transylvania? Initially, Bethlen attempted to keep Ottoman
forces out of the campaigns and declared the independence of the territory he
captured, but later, for both military and political reasons, he increasingly
relied on Ottoman forces. By doing so, he alienated the Hungarian nobility of
the kingdom and his campaigns to take possession of the country were thereby
condemned to failure, although he did manage to obtain seven counties in East
Hungary and have this possession set into peace treaties. From the Ottoman
perspectives, Bethlen’s campaigns of 1619, 1621, 1623 and 1626 held out the
attractive prospect of extending Ottoman suzerainty to the Kingdom of
Hungary, but they also threatened the outbreak of a Habsburg–Ottoman war,
which the Porte certainly wanted to avoid at a time when the Persian front was
much more important. The Ottoman leaders in Istanbul and Ottoman
Hungary therefore played a double game, supporting Bethlen but maintaining
contacts with Vienna, through which it conveyed the attitude that the prince
of Transylvania was acting on his own account. Despite the obvious hostility,
several peace treaties were signed (Gyarmat, 1625 and Szőny, 1627), and the
Ottoman leaders successfully confined the conflict to the regional level and
prevented war on a broader front.3
3 Katalin Péter, ‘The Golden Age of the Principality (1606–1660)’, in László Makkai and
Zoltán Szász (eds.), History of Transylvania. Vol. 2: From 1606 to 1830. New York, 2002, 67–95;
Pál Jászay, ‘Értekezés a gyarmati békekötésről’, Tudománytár 1837:2, 39–75; Mahmut Halef
Cevrioğlu, ‘Garmat (1625) ve Sön (1627) Muahedeleri/The Peace Treaties of Gyarmat (1625)
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There were similar frontier problems in the Crimean region. Although the
Polish campaigns ended in 1621 with a peace treaty that was renewed in 1625
and 1630, trouble arouse out of an internal crisis in the Khanate of Crimea.
Crimean leaders dissatisfied with Canibek Giray Khan (1610–1624) obtained
Ottoman assistance to replace him with a banished prince, Mehmed. The new
khan attempted to reorganize the country and its foreign relations, negotiating
with its ancient enemies – the Kozaks, Poles and Persians – but also trying to
minimize relations with the Ottomans. Mehmed refused to take part in the
Persian campaign, and the Ottomans tried, unsuccessfully, to remove him in
1624. In 1628, however, with the help of one of the clans of the Crimean state,
the Mansurs, they ejected Mehmed, who was killed shortly afterwards by the
Kozaks. In his place, they reinstated Canibek, who proved unable to stabilize
his power, and life in Crimea was beset with unceasing internal dissension.4
In the meantime, the Ottoman Empire was without a truly strong leader,
and various power groups formed and attempted to take control. It was a
deadly struggle, in which opponents were regularly banished or executed.
Mürteza was thus treading treacherous ground, but his thirty years of service
in the Topkapı Palace, and the web of contacts he had woven there, no doubt
helped him through.
We know little about Mürteza’s origins. His name is rare and revealing, a
word that means “selected” or “loved”; it is a qualifier always applied to Ali, sonin-law of the Prophet Muhammad. Echoing this is the inclusion of Ali’s twobladed sword, Zülfikar, on the pasha’s seal.5 This may indicate a connection
with the Bektashi dervishes, and it is curious that we do not know of any
mosque founded by Mürteza. (Nergisi, Mürteza’s “biographer” mentions the
pasha’s mystical dedication, but we cannot be sure whether this is a true fact or
and Szöny (1627)’, Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi/Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies
3:2 (2016) 67–86; Balázs Sudár, ‘Bethlen Gábor török segélyhadai a harmincéves háborúban
(1619–1626)’, forthcoming.
4 Gáspár Katkó, Az Oszmán Birodalom és a Rzeczpospolita határán: Kantemir mirza felemelkedése és katonai pályafutásának első szakasza (1621–1629). PhD Dissertation, Eötvös
Loránd University, Budapest, 2015, 137–180; Yücel Öztürk, Özü’den Tuna’ya Kazaklar. İstanbul, 2004, 373–394.
5 Lajos Fekete, Türkische Schriften aus dem Archive des Palatins Nikolaus Esterházy 1606–1645.
Budapest, 1932, Plate 1.
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just a stylistic flourish.)6 No substantial conclusions can be drawn from any of
this. He called himself the child of a poor man,7 although we know from the
Ottoman chronicles that he was related to a grand vizier, Damad İbrahim
Pasha.8 He was probably born around 1581, because he said of himself in 1627
that he was forty-six years old, a claim that is consistent with other information
he gave. His first steps may have been guided by İbrahim Pasha himself, who
died in 1601, when our hero was twenty years old. This assistance may have
consisted of getting a child of his poor relatives into the palace school at the age
of eight, around 1589–1590. He thus embarked on thirty years of service in
the palace, where he excelled in his skills and combat abilities. He performed so
well that he joined Sultan Ahmed (1603–1617) himself in riding and archery,
the “compulsory sports” of the Ottoman elite.9 He thus may have been the
sultan’s personal armbearer. In a world where only a few of the highest officials
of the empire could speak to the sultan, this personal, everyday contact was
enormously valuable, opening up great opportunities; it was through these
people that the sultan could be approached, and nurturing relations with him
must have been very desirable. The young Mürteza was thus in a very
advantageous position. Additionally, he rose to the greatest heights during the
reign of Sultan Murad IV, who was also an outstanding warrior of exceptional
strength and no doubt greatly esteemed Mürteza’s qualities.10
Mürteza’s outstanding abilities are mentioned in several sources. He himself
claimed that he and his fellow pages entertained themselves by shooting across
the “ravine sea”, perhaps the Golden Horn.11 This is confirmed by his biographer
Nergisi.12 He was also an excellent cirit player, and displayed his skills to the
Hungarian envoys in Buda in 1627, and played with the sultan himself in
6 Zahirović, Murteza Pascha, 125.
7
Ferenc Salamon, Két magyar diplomata a XVII. századból. Pest, 1867, 22.
8
İbrahim Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi. 2 vols. İstanbul, 1866–1867, II. 236.
9
Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 22, 215. The envoys also knew him to have fine greyhounds: ibid., 225.
10 On records from Buda of the sultan’s abilities, see Balázs Sudár, ‘A Bécsi-kapu átdöfött
pajzsa és a szultáni kar ereje’, Keletkutatás 2009. ősz, 91–100.
11 Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 223.
12 Zahirović, Murteza Pascha, 129–132.
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Scutari in 1632.13 He described himself as one who “revels in horse-riding”, and
according to Nergisi he was the finest horseman on the frontier, which despite
the customary exaggeration, meant that he rode masterfully.14
Mürteza’s career had the usual trajectory. After internal service, he became
one of the outer ağas, the head of the doğancı (“falconer”) troop.15 (The doğancıbaşı was the closest hunting ağa to the sultan, in this case Osman II.)16 This
office was a good springboard for provincial service, and Mürteza was soon
appointed pasha, starting the truly interesting part of his story.
In 1621, as chief falconer he marched to the Polish front, and on his return,
at the great divan of Edirne (9 December 1621), the sultan made him beylerbeyi
of Damascus, also granting him the title of vizier; this was an extremely strong
start, if not unprecedented.17 Consequently, he was far away when Istanbul was
in ferment following the sultan’s assassination in spring 1622. In late autumn
1622, he was ordered to Van, and soon found himself on the waiting list, having
to put up with being governor of Karahisar-i Şarki (now Şebinkarahisar).18 This
brought him into the thick of events. In 1623, the Caucasus-born Abaza
Mehmed Pasha, beylerbeyi of Erzurum, considered that the sultan’s assassination
had not been properly avenged. He made a pronouncement, and in the name of
justice, gathered the pashas around him. There were subsequently many
rebellions of this kind in the empire, but we should not regard it as simply
arbitrary action. Provincial military leaders saw the troubles at the centre as
being power struggles among opposing groups rather than attempts to solve the
real problems, and not surprisingly longed for the “good old times”.19 Abaza
Mehmed issued a call to arms to the pashas of the area. Tayyar Mehmed of
Sivas supported him, but Mürteza – who was really his subordinate, because
Karahisar-i Şarki belonged to Erzurum province – refused. In February 1623,
13 Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 172; Antal Beke and Samu Barabás (eds.), I. Rákóczi
György és a porta. Levelek és okiratok. Budapest, 1888, 19.
14 Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 209; Zahirović, Murteza Pascha, 129.
15 Topçular Katibi ’Abdülkādir (Kadrî) Efendi Tarihi. 2 vols. (Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları,
III/21.) Ed. by Ziya Yılmazer. Ankara, 2003, II. 711.
16 İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devletinin Saray Teşkilâtı. Ankara, 1988, 421.
17 Topçular Katibi, II. 757.
18 Ibid., 768, 770.
19 On the celalis, see William J. Griswold, Anadolu’da Büyük İsyan, 1591–1611. Ankara, 2011.
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Abaza Mehmed besieged Karahisar-i Şarki and forced him to surrender and
thus join his side.20 (The extent to which Mürteza, an ağa of falconers and a
confidant of Osman II, opposed Abaza Mehmed’s aims, the bringing to justice
of those responsible for the sultan’s murder, is an interesting question.) In
September 1624, when the new grand vizier Çerkes Mehmed Pasha defeated
Abaza Mehmed near Kayseri in Central Anatolia, Mürteza – together with
several other pashas and Türkmen – abandoned the rebels to join the grand
vizier.21 From that time, he is again mentioned in the sources as pasha of Van,
but he was soon removed and sent to the sultan’s court.22
The background to this is unclear. The factional struggles surrounding the
change of ruler did not touch Mürteza and he probably did not yet count as a
major player, but involvement in a failed celali rebellion was not an advantage.
His attempt to hold Karahisar-i Şarki against Abaza Mehmed must have been a
point in his favour, but his surrender was not. Perhaps Çerkes Mehmed did not
sufficiently trust him, but the reason for removing him from his post in Van may
not have been any failing on his part but simply the need to install someone else
there – its former beylerbeyi, Mehmed. Mürteza was back on the waiting list, but
had to be satisfied, and that is clearly why he was given Bosnia.23 Who was
instrumental in making the appointment – the grand vizier himself or his deputy
in Istanbul, Gürcü Mehmed – is not clear.24 We do not even know for certain
who was pasha of Bosnia before him; until the end of 1623, it was certainly
Sarhoş İbrahim, who had successfully carried out a large-scale campaign on the
side of Gabriel Bethlen.25 He subsequently appeared on the waiting list, but
exactly when and why, we do not know. In 1626, he was still signing his letters as
the dismissed (mazul) pasha of Bosnia,26 which means that there was no hurry
to give him a new job. It is possible that the 1623 campaign, which had led to
open conflict with the Habsburgs, was the reason for his dismissal.
20 Topçular Katibi, II. 774; Katib Çelebi, Fezleke. İstanbul, 1879, II. 35.
21 Katib Çelebi, Fezleke, II. 56. The battle took place on 4 September 1624.
22 Topçular Katibi, II. 800–801.
23 Ibid., 801.
24 Katib Çelebi, Fezleke, II. 54.
25 Sudár, ‘Bethlen Gábor’ (forthcoming).
26 Sándor Szilágyi and Áron Szilády (eds.), Török-magyarkori történelmi emlékek. Első osztály:
Okmánytár. Vol. III. Pest, 1868, 467.
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Mürteza was certainly a newcomer in the defensive system of the northwest
frontier, but his rank as vizier commanded respect. In Buda, however, there
was an even more substantial figure. Sufi Mehmed had taken an active part in
putting Mustafa I on the throne, had several times been kaymakam (deputy) to
grand viziers, and knew his way about the region, having been born in
Hungary.27 We do not know what relations were like between them, but in
1625, to secure the outcome of talks in Gyarmat, the Bosnian forces were
ordered to the Pest camp, where a major Ottoman armed force gathered.28
Affairs warmed up in 1626, when Bethlen prepared for another campaign. He
was to be supported by the entire Ottoman frontier region, including the pasha
of Buda, who was required to follow Bethlen’s instructions. Leaving their cool
relations behind them, Bethlen and Sufi Mehmed adopted each other as
relatives. The Bosnian forces were of course also ordered out, and Mürteza was
in the Pest camp at the head of his army by August.29 He informed the Porte
that the pasha of Buda, commander of the campaign, freshly appointed serdar
(commander-in-chief ) had died. He offered himself as commander, and at the
same time requested the post of pasha of Buda.30
At this time, the grand vizier was Hafız Ahmed, who not long previously
had brought eight months of an unsuccessful siege of Baghdad to an end
(November 1625–July 1626) and retreated to Diyarbekir. He was preoccupied
with writing his report to the sultan, and with his future. The question of who
was to be pasha of Buda was somewhat less in his mind.31 In any case, it was
27 János B. Szabó and Balázs Sudár, ‘A hatalom csúcsain. Magyarországi származású
renegátok az oszmán birodalom politikai elitjében’, Korunk 25:11 (2014) 29.
28 Szilágyi and Szilády, Török magyarkori, I. 421; Sámuel Gergely, ‘Adalék „Bethlen Gábor
és a porta” czímű közleményhez. 1. közlemény’, Történelmi Tár 5 (1882) 465–466; Sámuel
Gergely, ‘Adalék „Bethlen Gábor és a porta” czímű közleményhez. 2. közlemény’, Történelmi Tár
6 (1883) 144; for the peace agreement, see Jászay, ‘Értekezés’.
29 On the gathering of the forces and the arrival of the Bosnians, see Zahirović, Murteza
Pascha, 95–99.
30 The pasha died just as Mürteza arrived. Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 216. On the
death, see Zahirović, Murteza Pascha, 99–100.
31 On the siege of Baghdad, see Özer Küpeli, ‘Irak-ı Arap’ta Osmanlı-Safevi Mücadelesi
(XV–XVII. Yüzyıllar)’, History Studies. International Journal of History 2 (2010) 235–236;
Claudia Römer, ‘Die Osmanische Belagerung Bagdads 1034–35/1625–26’, Der Islam 66
(1989) 119–136.
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the grand vizier’s deputy in Istanbul, the kaymakam, who usually decided such
affairs. This was Bethlen’s old ally – and adoptive father – Gürcü Mehmed
Pasha. Great changes were under way in Istanbul. Receb Pasha, aspiring to
power, accused the kaymakam of having failed to give the grand vizier sufficient
support, thus bearing some of the blame for the defeat at Baghdad. His tactic
succeeded. Gürcü Mehmed was executed in August 1626 and his place taken
by Receb himself, who became the de facto political leader of the empire.32
A few days later, news arrived of the death of the pasha of Buda, the serdar
appointed beside Bethlen, and the appointment of Mürteza must have been
one of Receb’s first tasks (29 or 30 August).33 Why the choice fell on Mürteza
is not entirely clear, but one thing definitely stood in his favour: The campaign
was ready to start and the pasha of Bosnia, with the rank of vizier, was the
highest-ranking military commander in the area.34 The decisive factor may
even have been – as some sources state – a request by the prince of Transylvania.
Bethlen may have addressed the request to Gürcü Mehmed, whose support he
still enjoyed. If so, then Mürteza must have had every reason for gratitude and
loyalty to Bethlen, whom he adopted as “kin”.35
Their relationship got off to a somewhat difficult start. The 1626 campaign
failed, for which Mürteza and Bethlen blamed each other. Mürteza argued that
he did not know the purpose of his involvement, because neither Sufi Mehmed
nor Bethlen had informed him, and he had certainly not imagined that he
should function as a serdar.36 He was also aware – or at least alleged – that Sufi
32 Katib Çelebi, Fezleke, II. 54, 90. The changes utterly upset internal affairs at the Porte.
Tamás Borsos saw the court as being partially paralysed, because the viziers sitting in the divan
were “novices and inexperienced”. Sámuel Gergely: ‘Adalék „Bethlen Gábor és a porta” czímű
közleményhez. 3. közlemény’, Történelmi Tár 6 (1883) 610. Gürcü Mehmed was certainly executed before 18 August. On his life, see Katib Çelebi, Fezleke, II. 94.
33 Gévay, A’ budai pasák, 29.
34 He gave this reason himself: Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 216.
35 10.12.1626. MNL OL P 123 II. i. no. 74. (I am grateful to Gábor Kármán for this information.) Further information: Sándor Szilágyi, ‘Bethlen Gábor és a porta. 2.’ Történelmi Tár 5
(1882) 47, 75; Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 13. (In April 1627!) After his death, he called
him his “beloved kin at peace with God”. Sándor Szilágyi, ‘Bethlen Gábor utolsó tervei és halála’,
Budapesti Szemle 7 (1867) 274–245.
36 Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 13, 16.
347
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Mehmed’s primary task was to maintain the peace, but his insatiable, greedy
nature had caused him to choose war, unlike himself, who sought peace talks
as soon as he received the appointment, and started to negotiate with Miklós
Esterházy, palatine of the Kingdom of Hungary.37 Nothing came of this, and
Bethlen’s diplomats attempted to deny the whole matter.38
The appointment was certainly a promotion for Mürteza. He was now in
charge of a whole region rather than just a province, and had become the
serdar of a campaign involving a large army. He was not responsible for the
meagre outcome of what had been promised to be a large-scale enterprise,
because it was due to a decision of Bethlen’s taken, once again, behind the
backs of the Ottomans.39 The brief campaign left the local Ottoman leaders
highly dissatisfied and increasingly distrustful of Bethlen. It was no doubt
their opinion that was expressed by İbrahim Peçevi: “A few times I heard
from his own [Bethlen’s] gossiping mouth: ‘I am not helping out of a liking
for the people of Islam or for their faith. But whenever I have intended to
scorn the Muslims, great remorse and misfortune have always come to me
and I have suffered loss.’ It seems certain to me that if a conquest happens
through the helps of infidels, it still counts a miracle of the Prophet. Because
they [the Christians] are the enemies of the true faith. Even those who show
friendship, in reality do not wish the victory of Muslims at all.”40 Mürteza
bore no grudge, however, and maintained good relations with Gabriel
Bethlen. Within Ottoman Hungary, he rearranged power relations with a
strong hand. He settled scores with the rebellious officials of Buda and the
zaims of Alacahisar, and executed the chief müfti of Buda, Nasreddinzade
Efendi and Çifut Ahmed Pasha of Eğri (Eger).41 The latter two were
condemned for allegedly failing to sufficiently represent Ottoman interests at
37 Ibid., 221.
38 Ibid., 21–22; 23.08.1626; 01.09.1626. MNL OL P 123 II. i. no. 18.
39 On the campaign: Gyalókay, ‘Bethlen Gábor mint hadvezér’, Hadtörténelmi Közlemények
30 (1929) 427–459; János B. Szabó, ‘Bethlen Gábor hadai a harmincéves háborúban. A kora
újkori hadügyi fejlődés Kelet-Közép-Európában: az Erdélyi Fejedelemség példája a XVII.
század első felében (2. rész)’, Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 127:1 (2014) 65–70; Zahirović,
Murteza Pascha, 153–186.
40 Peçevi, Tarih, II. 353.
41 Ibid., 352.
348
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THE STORY OF MÜRTEZA PASHA
the Gyarmat peace talks in 1625, in return for substantial bribes, a misdeed
that could have led to the resumption of the war. (Both were old peace
negotiators, and had been involved in concluding the Peace of Zsitvatorok in
1606.)42 İbrahim Peçevi, the historian of the Hungarian frontier lands, who
could always see the worst in Mürteza, naturally saw them as innocent, and
Mürteza could undoubtedly be cruel, prepared to use any means to remove
anyone who stood in his way.43 He was also on very bad terms with Deák
Mehmed, whom he displaced from political affairs in Ottoman Hungary,
having threatened him for allegedly improperly moving an Ottoman
embassy.44 His rule certainly brought new players on to the field, such as
Papazoğlu Mehmed Pasha, who had probably long been a good acquaintance
and protégé of Bethlen and could now support him as pasha of Eğri.
After the 1626 campaign, the new pasha of Buda – who, it seems, was
indeed unprepared for the campaign – turned on the holders of the revenue
estates: he claimed that many had not met their obligations to join the
campaign. He confiscated the estates of these persons. The procedure elicited
outrage, and the complainants went to Istanbul to prove themselves. They
found no comfort there, the authorities deciding in Mürteza’s favour. Mürteza
then ordered a census of the province in 1627. His action made military
preparations more effective, but did nothing to improve his local popularity.45
After the brief campaign of 1626, Mürteza did not enter any serious combat
in Ottoman Hungary. (He was fortunate, because Bethlen had lost his taste for
war.) The year 1627 was mainly taken up with the Szőny peace talks, and
Mürteza probably immediately set to work on castle repairs. His biography
gives an imposing description of construction in various towns, comprising the
renovation of fortress walls and the sultan’s mosques.46 Since the book was
completed in August 1629,47 the work on the fortifications must have been
42
43
44
45
46
47
Ibid., 324.
Ibid., 144–145, 353.
Salamon, Két magyar diplomata, 20, 188.
Ibid., 188.
Zahirović, Murteza Pascha, 142–153.
Ibid., 13.
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complete. The construction work is also mentioned in a document worded in
the first person singular, but without name or date, held in Istanbul.48
The period of calm lasted until Bethlen’s death on 25 November 1629,
sparking off a major succession crisis. The Transylvanian throne was occupied
by Catherine of Brandenburg for a while, followed by Stephen Bethlen
(28 September–26 November 1630) and eventually by George Rákóczi
(on 26 November 1630).49 As a first step, the pasha of Buda attempted an
arrangement with the hajdús (heyducks), instructing Papazoğlu Mehmed to
negotiate with them on support for the Bethlen family. The pasha entered
Debrecen with a retinue of 2000. (The Temeşvar [Temesvár/Timişoara] forces
were mobilized for the same purpose.)50 Palatine Esterházy naturally took a
dim view of the march, and wrote a series of letters in complaint, at which
Mürteza withdrew his forces.
In this tense situation, however, Mürteza – and his right-hand man,
Papazoğlu Mehmed – were dismissed from their posts, and Mürteza was sent
to the other side of Transylvania, to Silistra. The dismissal may have been
prompted by the complaints from the Kingdom of Hungary. This would
certainly be the local interpretation. On the other hand, Stephen Bethlen was
lobbying in the Porte to prevent it.51 From that viewpoint, the transfer may
even have been a punishment. The final decision in Istanbul may have been
made by Grand Vizier Hüsrev Pasha.52 That might have provided Mürteza
with the motivation, two years later, for the key part he played in Hüsrev’s
death (of which more below). Another potential factor in his Silistran
appointment other than punishment, however, was the need for Mürteza’s
abilities on the Polish frontier.
The holders of this post were mostly required to deal with Polish and Kozak
affairs. Mürteza was familiar with the region, having been on the Hotin
48 Published by Pál Fodor, ‘Néhány adat a török végvári rendszer állapotáról a 17. század
középső harmadából’, in Sándor Bodó and Jolán Szabó (eds.), Magyar és török végvárak
(1663–1684). Eger, 1985, 165–172.
49 Péter, ‘The Golden Age’, 100–107.
50 Zahirović, Murteza Pascha, 13.
51 Szilágyi, ‘Bethlen Gábor és a porta’, 65.
52 Ibid.
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campaign in 1621. Although that war had ended with a peace treaty, it did not
put a stop to attacks on the Black Sea coast by the Kozak chaikas (and neither
did it restrain the Crimean Tartars).53 Although the peace treaty was renewed
in 1625, the Khan of Crimea, Mehmed Giray, pursued an increasingly antiOttoman policy and built up relations with the Kozaks and the Poles. He was
deposed in 1628, but Canibek, restored to the throne, could not keep firm
control. In August 1629, the Nogais and Tatars launched a major raid on
Poland. Although this ended in failure, the Poles were afraid of further and
more serious attacks, and entered preventive negotiations with the Ottomans.
These were at first between the frontier leaders, Stanislaw Koniecpolski and
the pasha of Silistra, Mürteza, who reached an agreement on 9 September.
This perhaps brings us to the other reason for Mürteza’s appointment: He
already had substantial experience in frontier talks, those that led to the Peace
of Szőny in 1627. This experience, however, almost backfired. Mürteza wanted
responsibility for the full agreement, and therefore did not wish to allow the
Polish envoy to continue to Istanbul for talks with the sultan. He eventually
realized that customs were different there, and Aleksander Piaseczynski
eventually reached the Ottoman capital and entered negotiations with the
kaymakam, Topal Receb Pasha. The sultan’s ahdname was issued about the
same time as Mürteza’s agreement and effectively coincided with it, indicating
close consultations in the background.54 The peace treaty was renewed, and the
next year, the Tatar forces were fighting on the Persian front, making 1631 a
rare year of peace on the Polish frontier. In the meantime, however, the conflicts
between power groups in the sultan’s court were intensifying.
53 According to Charles King, the Kozak raids were what undermined Ottoman positions on the
Black Sea, when it lost its character as the “inner sea” (Osman gölü) in the early seventeenth century.
Charles King, The Black Sea: History. Oxford, 2004, 132–134. See further Dariusz Kołodziejczyk,
‘Inner Lake or Frontier? The Ottoman Black Sea in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in
Faruk Bilici, Ionel Cândea and Anca Popescu (eds.), Enjeux politiques, économiques et militaires en
Mer Noire (XIVe au XXIe siècles): études à la mémoire de Mihail Guboglu. Braila, 2007, 125–139.
54 Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania: International Diplomacy on the European Periphery (15th–18th Century). A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by
Annotated Documents. Leiden, 2011, 139–141; Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations (15th–18th Century). An Annotated Edition of Ahdnames and Other Documents.
Leiden, 2000, 135–136.
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At the end of 1631, Mürteza was called to the palace, and soon afterwards
(on 22 January 1632), the sultan received him in person. It seems they played
the traditional Turkish equestrian sport of cirit together.55 This may have been
when Mürteza was given a secret mission. He was ostensibly appointed pasha
of Diyarbekir, but his actual job was to execute the grand vizier, Hüsrev Pasha,
who was wintering in Tokat. Several persons in the Topkapı Palace seemed to
have joined forces against Hüsrev, who was a Bosnian. They included his
deputy, the ağa of the janissaries, the grand müfti and the sultan’s inner ağa
Musa.56 They manoeuvred to have him dismissed and executed. The sultan
subsequently regretted his decision, and sent a messenger with a pardon, but
Mürteza was too quick, and Hüsrev Pasha was executed. The event set off
turmoil in Istanbul. Certain factions in the palace were enraged by Hüsrev’s
execution and on 10 February, they killed Grand Vizier Hafız Ahmed in the
sultan’s presence and demanded the heads of the other perpetrators. The sultan
defended his subjects, but the arrival of Hüsrev’s head in Istanbul on 11 March
whipped up passions again.57 The janissary ağa and the defterdar were murdered,
and the grand müfti fled. The figure behind the events was Topal Receb Pasha,
who had long been a vizier and kaymakam and felt thwarted in his ambitions
after the appointment of Hüsrev and then Hafız Ahmed. By exploiting the
febrile mood, he managed to thin out the sultan’s inner circle, obtained the
grand vizier’s seal, and then went on to plot the fall of the sultan. In the midst
of this wave of score-settling, Mürteza was rightly afraid that revenge would
eventually reach him, as Hüsrev’s executor, and there were already rumours in
Istanbul that his fear would turn him into a celali, or rebel.58 But he had the
support of the sultan, who granted him an honour and appointed him serdar of
the Persian front (May 1632).59 The sultan was by then in direct control of
events, and ordered the execution of the overambitious Receb and his associates,
and later the execution of the grand müfti, who had also supported Receb.
55 Beke and Barabás (eds.), I. Rákóczi György, 19.
56 For an overview of the events, see İnalcık, Devlet-i ‘Aliyye, II. 207–217. On Hüsrev, see Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Tarihi, III/2. 381–383. On Hüsrev’s execution, see Peçevi, Tarih, II. 419–420.
57 On the date, see Beke and Barabás (eds.), I. Rákóczi György, 5.
58 Ibid., 28.
59 Ibid., 15.
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Having previously been regarded as a minor and denied real power, Murad
ruled his empire with a strong hand for the next eight years, relying to a great
extent on his mother Kösem. His manner was reminiscent of the old, great
sultans. Mürteza Pasha was one the sultan’s confidants, and the new system
suited him well. His recall to Istanbul in 1631 had clearly been for a purpose.
The new grand vizier, Tabanıyassı Mehmed Pasha, was also close to Kösem
and Murad IV and owed his rise to the harem ağası, Hacı Mustafa, a close
collaborator of Kösem. He was a homo novus, about ten years younger than
Mürteza, whom he allegedly favoured.
Shortly afterwards, in February 1633, Mürteza was again touched by the
sultan’s grace: He was given as wife a daughter of Ahmed I, sister of Murad IV,
Ayşe Sultan, whose mother was Kösem Sultan herself. The betrothal tied
Mürteza even closer to the governing elite. Ayşe was born around 1605, and
was thus 25 years or so younger than Mürteza, who was nonetheless her fourth
husband. Her first had been Nasuh Pasha, the grand vizier, to whom she was
betrothed in 1612. After his death, she became the wife of Karakaş Mehmed,
who had been pasha of Buda. He fell at the siege of Hotin in 1621. In 1626,
she was given to Hafız Ahmed, pasha of Van, who as we have seen, was
murdered in 1632. Then came Mürteza, to whom she was betrothed in
February 1633, although it was only in 1635 that he spent long enough in
Istanbul for them to get married. This marriage did not go the distance for her
either: She later became the wife of the Hungarian-born Ahmed Pasha,60 and
then of Voynuk Ahmed, who died in Crete, and finally of İbşir Mustafa Pasha,
in 1655. Ayşe Sultan died in 1656.61
From the middle of 1632, Mürteza was again stationed on the eastern
frontier, where he built again, renovating the Süleymaniye Mosque – named
after an associate of Muhammad and not the sultan – in the castle of Diyarbekir.
Later, it was also called after him. He also built a smaller masjid and a school
alongside and refurbished the well-known place of pilgrimage connected to the
mosque, the tomb (türbe) of the Sahaba (Companions of the Prophet).62 The
60 B. Szabó and Sudár, ‘A hatalom csúcsain’, 27.
61 M. Çağatay Uluçay, Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları. Ankara, 2001, 50–51.
62 Alaattin Dikmen, ‘Diyarbakır’da Sahabe Kabri Olan Hz. Süleyman Türbesinde Yapılan
Dinî/Geleneksel Uygulamalar’, Elektronik Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 12:44 (2013) 140–141; Halis
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period of peace and construction did not last long, because in summer 1633,
news arrived of an impending attack by the shah of Persia. The target was the
castle of Van, which should have counted on the support of Demirkazık Halil
Pasha of Erzurum. By that time, however, Mürteza had been appointed serdar
and given command of the military forces of Anatolia, Sivas, Rakka, Karaman,
Trabzon and Erzurum, and a court cavalry troop (bölük). An open battle
fought near Van on 14 October was sufficient to force the Persians into retreat,
even though the battle itself was undecided. Relations between Mürteza and
Halil deteriorated during the manoeuvres. The serdar considered that the
pasha of Erzurum had not shown sufficient enthusiasm for the operation.63
After the successful defence of the castle, Mürteza was ordered back to Istanbul
in December. He was needed on the Polish front, where hostilities had broken
out again, and peace had to be restored.64
After the death of Sigismund III of Poland in 1632, the Russo-Polish war
flared up again, and the tsar asked for the sultan’s assistance. Abaza Mehmed,
previously stationed in Bosnia, was appointed by Sultan Murad as pasha of
Silistra, and invaded Podolia with the Tatars and forces of the Moldavian and
Wallachian principalities. In the battles of October 1633, however, he was
defeated and forced to retreat. In February 1634, the Poles defeated the
Russians at Smolensk and forced them to sign a peace treaty in July. This freed
up their troops to fight in Podolia. The sultan himself led his troops against
the Poles in spring 1634, but in July, he appointed Mürteza serdar (and also
pasha of Silistra), putting him in command of the Bosnian and Rumelian
forces as well as those from his own province, and even mobilizing Transylvania
troops.65 His appointment, even as seen by contemporaries, reflected the
desire for settlement: “They chose Mürteza Pasha as serdar for the same reason
Fikrî Şüûn, ‘Dıyarbekir Abidelerinden Ulu Cami Kitabeleri’, in Ziya Gökalp (ed.), Küçük Mecmua. Vol. 3. Antalya, 2010, 84. The Companions of the Prophet were those of his followers who
joined Muhammad in Mecca and are thus held in special respect in the Islamic world.
63 Sıdki Paşa, Gazavat-ı Sultan Murad-i Rabi‘. Vol. 4: Murad’ın Revan Seferi. İstanbul, 2006, 8;
Küpeli, ‘Irak-ı Arap’ta’, 137–140.
64 Gévay, A’ budai pasák, 29; Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Tarihi, III/2. 179.
65 Mustafa Na‘ima, Tarih-i Na‘ima. İstanbul, 1283, I. 580; Sıdki Paşa, Gazavat-ı Sultan Murad,
31. The troops assembled by August 1634, and although György Rákóczi did not want to march
to war in person, he intended to delegate the command to János Kemény or János Szentpáli.
354
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that they hope that he loves peace, and if it is offered to him, he will not disdain
it. It is also favourable for the Poles, because if [the Ottomans] only wanted
war, they would have appointed Abaza as serdar.”66 And indeed, Mürteza’s old
trusted aide Şahin Ağa immediately set off on a diplomatic mission to Poland.
Marching with his troops, Mürteza met the Polish envoy at Giurgiu, where
the peace of 1630 – in which Mürteza had also had a hand – was renewed in
September 1634.67 The success of the operation further boosted Mürteza’s
authority. When he returned to Istanbul in December, a new honour awaited
him: He became the kaymakam of the grand vizier, Tabanıyassı Mehmed
Pasha.68
Abaza Mehmed fared rather worse, being blamed for the failed military
campaign and for the violation of the peace. He was executed on 24 August
1634, before the peace had been signed.69 Several high-ranking people in the
palace had an interest in his removal. Some saw Abaza Mehmed as being too
close to the sultan, who greatly esteemed his bearing and personal martial
abilities. There were also rumours that Mürteza had a hand in the matter…
The need for peace derived above all from the sultan’s decision to bring the
conflict with the Safavids to a conclusion. Preparations for the Yerevan
campaign were proceeding apace.70 Mürteza seems to have fallen ill at the start,
and his gout prevented him from leaving the divan. A few months later,
however, he drove the pegs of the sultan’s tent into the ground near İzmit. He
took part in the campaign, during which he managed to have Halil Pasha –
with whom he had fallen out during the relief of Van – executed. The sultan
quickly regretted the loss of Halil and turned his anger on Mürteza, conferring
66 Beke and Barabás (eds.), I. Rákóczi György, 131 (27 July 1634).
67 Kołodziejczyk, The Crimean Khanate, 143–145; Idem, Ottoman-Polish, 137–139.
68 Katib Çelebi, Fezleke, II. 318.
69 Mücteba İlgürel, A
‘ baza Paşa’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 1. İstanbul, 1988, 11–12.
70 Küpeli, ‘Irak-ı Arap’ta’, 142–154; Süheyl Ünver, ‘Dördüncü Sultan Murad’in Revan Seferi Kronolojisi’, Belleten 16:64 (1952) 547–577; Yunus Zeyrek, IV. Sultan Murad’ın Revan ve
Tebriz Seferi Ruz-Namesi. Ankara, 1999; Topçular Katibi, II. 1042–1045; Ömer Kucak,
Zafernâme (Tarihçe-i Feth-i Revan ve Bagdad). MA Thesis, Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi,
Afyonkarahisar, 2007 (cf. http://studylibtr.com/doc/2741656/--tari%CC%87h%C3%A7ei%CC%87-feth-i%CC%87-revan-ve-ba%C4%9Fdad---%C3%B6mer-kucak-tarih).
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on him trivial tasks in punishment. The grudge was short-lived, however, and
after the fall of Yerevan, Murad appointed him to head the province. The
imperial army captured several other castles in the area during the remainder
of the campaign, and Mürteza took Makut in October. The building of the
new province seemed to be proceeding well, and the sultan went home content.
In winter, however, the shah mounted a counter-attack and put Yerevan under
siege (25 December 1635). In the hard winter, the surrounding Ottoman
provinces were unable to relieve it.71 Mürteza, in the thick of the fighting, was
wounded, and died soon afterwards (in the second half of February 1636).72
The fortress he was in charge of was lost on 1 April. Murad was not broken by
this failure, and in 1638, launched a campaign in the region on a larger scale
than ever before, retaking Yerevan and Baghdad and establishing the Ottoman
positions in the long term.
The officers who surrendered the castle took Mürteza Pasha’s corpse with
them to Hasankeyf. He was presumably buried in Diyarbekir, in the tomb of
the Sahaba, which he had renovated and provided with foundations a few years
previously.73 We do not know whether he had any sons. Having worked his
way up from the bottom, he was unable to establish a dynasty. He certainly had
at least one daughter: Hatice Hanım died in Diyarbekir in 1658, and lies
beside her father in the tomb of the Sahaba.74
Mürteza’s life story is a good illustration of the opportunities available in the
Ottoman Empire. A good background got him into the palace school, from
where he emerged after the long period of thirty years as a vizier. He was active
first on the eastern front (1621–1623), transferred to the northwest frontier
(1624–1630), and then had to show his mettle on the Polish front
(1630–1631). Afterwards, major hostilities awaited him on the eastern front:
The defence of Van, the siege of Yerevan, the capture of Maku and finally the
71 On the siege: Küpeli, ‘Irak-ı Arap’ta’, 155–158; Kucak, Zafernâme, 19–20.
72 Nermin Yıldırım, Kara Çelebi-zâde Abdülaziz Efendi’nin Zafername adlı eseri (Tarihçe-i
feth-i Revan ve Bağdad). Tahlil ve Metin. Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul, 2005, 59b.
73 Küpeli, ‘Irak-ı Arap’ta’, 159; Katib Çelebi, Fezleke, II. 180–181; Na‘ima, Tarih, II. 830–831.
74 Savaş Yıldırım, ‘Diyarbakır Sahabeler Türbesi Çini Süslemeleri’, Iğdır Üniversitesi Sosyal
Bilimler Dergisi 5 (2014) 26.
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defence of Yerevan (1632–1636), in the middle of which he was again ordered
to the Polish front for six months (1634). As a vizier, he did not command very
many campaigns, and was more inclined to settle matters by negotiation.
He was instrumental in the renewal of the Peace of Zsitvatorok at Szőny in
1627, and in the peace treaties with Poland in 1630 and 1634. In Ottoman
fractional disputes, he acted ruthlessly. He dealt with his opponents in Ottoman
Hungary (the execution of Ahmed Pasha and Nasreddinzade) in a similar way
as he did with those in the east (the killing of Halil Pasha and Tevfikizade
Mehmed Efendi, kadı of İzmir), and he also carried out the execution of Grand
Vizier Hüsrev Pasha, although the initial plan was not his.
He certainly had considerable martial qualities and courage, but does not
seem to have had great success as a commander. In 1623, Abaza Mehmed forced
him out of Karahisar-i Şarki by siege; in 1627, Gabriel Bethlen led him by the
nose, and he failed to prevail even with a substantial army; in 1633, he fought an
indecisive battle near Van; and in 1636, he was unable to hold Yerevan.
Mürteza also had cultural inclinations. Proof of this is his employment of
Nergisi Efendi, one of the finest prose writers of the age, to write a biographical
account of his period as pasha of Buda and the story of his deeds there.
Additionally, the Pest-born divan poet Hisali, who was active for a long period
in Ottoman Hungary, must have had good reason to write Mürteza a laudatory
poem in which Sultan Murad calls him an unmatched vizier.75
Mürteza thus appears to us as an Ottoman leader with good appraisal skills,
decisive in action and an adept negotiator, who raised himself from humble
beginnings, more through politics than military prowess, to the rank of deputy
grand vizier and sultan’s son-in-law, during a stormy period of the empire’s
history. If he had not fallen in battle, he could have gone further. He enjoyed
the confidence of the sultan and was quite young relative to his fellows, dying
at the age of 55 or 56.
75 Özlem Ercan, Peşteli Hisali Divanı Tahlili (İnceleme–Metin). PhD Dissertation, Uludağ
Üniversitesi, Bursa, 2003, 22.
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THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS
OF KAZAN RE-EXAMINED
Mária Ivanics
University of Szeged, Hungary
res13986@iif.hu
In 1839, Alexander Kasimovich Kazem-Bek, professor at the University of
Kazan, published his Grammar of the Turco-Tatar language, which received
great acclaim from contemporaries in Russia and abroad.1 The second, revised
edition of the Grammar, issued in 1846,2 was translated into German two years
later by the prominent orientalist Julius Theodor Zenker. Zenker added an
appendix of letters, diplomas and written samples, some set in Arabic type and
some in facsimile. One of these documents, set in Arabic type and with
a German translation,3 was a petition of the begs and religious men of Kazan
addressed to an unnamed dignitary of the Crimean Khanate. The document
remained latent for historical research for quite a long time. A hundred years
later, the Tatar-born Turkish historian Akdes Nimet Kurat published a
transcription and facsimile of the petition in his monograph on the relationship
between the Volga region and the Ottoman Empire, but his use of it did not
constitute a detailed treatment. His findings found no echo, even though the
1 Grammatika turecko-tatarskogo jazyka. Kazan’, 1839. The “Turco-Tatar language” is to be
understood as contemporary Turkic of the nineteenth century. For the appreciations of the
work, see A. K. Rzaev, Muhammad Ali M. Kazem-Bek. Moskva, 1989, 33−36.
2 Obščaja grammatika turecko-tatarskogo jazyka. Kazan’, 1846.
3 Allgemeine Grammatik der Türkisch-Tatarischen Sprache von Mirza A. Kazem-Bek. Ed. by
Julius Theodor Zenker. Leipzig, 1848, 255–257. The German translation of the document
contains many mistakes. I will refer to the essential differences in the edition of the source
given here.
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letter contains information that is not available anywhere else.4 Recently, the
Kazan historian Damir Iskhakov studied the letter and translated it into Tatar.5
Neither Kurat nor Iskhakov applied deep source criticism to the document,
which seems at first sight to be of questionable authenticity and raises many
questions.
THE PETITION
The petition describes the potential benefits of a conquest of Astrakhan and
Kazan. Firstly, it would have blocked the direct contact between the Russian
tsar and the Persian shah on the Caspian Sea, preventing the tsar from
supporting the Kizilbash6 with money and provisions. The Don Cossacks
would have become subordinated to the Crimean ruler. The khan would
thereby have freed from the rule of unbelievers a people who had belonged to
the darü’l-islam since the times of Caliph Umar. Failure to do so would count
against him on Judgement Day. After stating these religious duties, the authors
of the petition give a detailed account of the military potential of the Volga
region, how many soldiers this rich land could sustain, the sizes of the different
ethnic populations − Cheremises, Chuvashes, Bashkirs, Ars (Udmurts),
Siberian Tatars − and how much tax might be collected from them in form of
honey and furs. They also mention the income deriving from the trade caravans
from Central Asia and from fishing. Finally, they emphasise that all of the
4 Akdes Nimet Kurat, Türkiye ve İdil Boyu. 1569 Astrahan Seferi, Ten-İdil Kanalı ve XVI−
XVIII. Yüzyıl Osmanlı-Rus Münasebetleri. Ankara, 1966, Facsimile No. XI. I used this facsimile. Elsewhere, Kurat published the petition only in transcription and in Arabic typography:
Akdes Nimet Kurat, IV−XVIII. Yüzyıllarda Karadeniz Kuzeyindeki Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri. Ankara, 1972, 373–377.
5 Damir Iskhakov, ‘Ob odnom poslanii iz Povolž’ja v Krymskoe Hanstvo v 1635 g.’, Krymskoe
Istoričeskoe Obozrenie 2 (2014) 50–62, accessed 14 November 2018, http://www.ionutcojocaru.ro/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/КИО_2.pdf.
6 Kizilbash means ‘Red Head[ed]’. It was a pejorative label given by the Ottomans to the Persian military and to the shah himself. The name kızılbaş derived from the special red headwear
of these militant groups, followers of the Shiite branch of Islam. Here it is meant for the Safavid
Shah Safi I (1629–1642).
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ethnic groups mentioned are Muslims7 who are fit for military service, and
therefore the khan had a duty to free them from the hands of the infidels.
THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The existence of contacts between the Crimea and Kazan has deep historical
roots. While the Russians were trying to subdue the Turkic peoples of the
steppe, the Crimean khans never gave up their claim to rule the entire former
territory of the Golden Horde. They had most success in the first half of the
sixteenth century, when some members of the Giray dynasty ascended the
thrones of Kazan and Astrakhan, but Muscovy’s foreign policy was more
successful. Making use of the conflicts among the Kazan elites and the turmoil
in the Crimea following the murder of Khan Sahib Giray and his sons in 1551,
they conquered first Kazan in 1552 and then Astrakhan in 1556.8 From this
moment on, the reconquest of the two Muslim khanates was constantly on the
agenda of Crimean foreign policy.
In 1569, in preparation for reconquest, work started at the order of the
Sublime Porte on digging a channel to connect the Rivers Don and Volga at
the place where they are separated by the shortest distance – only 11 km.
Although the climate, the lack of equipment, the problems of the warriors’
provisioning and the passive resistance of Khan Devlet Giray9 caused the
venture to fail, the Porte did not give up the plan altogether.
Revival of the plan was clearly related to the long war against the Persians
(1578–1590). To facilitate transport of war material, particularly guns, some
of the logistical tasks for the campaigns were to be transferred to the Caspian
Sea from the rough Anatolian mountain terrain. This, however, would require
7 Among the Finno-Ugric people, Islamisation was superficial at best; among the Chuvash,
it was completely absent.
‿ ān. Histoire de Sahib Giray, khan de Crimée de 1532
8 Özalp Gökbilgin, Tārih‿ -i S. āh. ib Giray H
à 1551. Edition critique, traduction, notes et glossaire. Ankara, 1973, 142−143.
9 Halil İnalcık, ‘Osmanlı-Rus Rekabetinin Menşei ve Don–Volga Kanalı Teşebbüsü (1569)’,
Belleten 12 (1948) 349–402; Akdes Nimet Kurat, ‘The Turkish Expedition to Astrakhan’ in
1569 and the Problem of the Don–Volga Canal’, The Slavonic and East European Review 40:94
(1961) 7–23.
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retrieving Astrakhan from the Russians, so as to prevent contact between the
Russian tsar and the Persian shah.10 Since Shirvan and Derbent had been
incorporated into the Ottoman Empire in the course of the war (1583), the
road to Astrakhan was open from the south.
The Ottoman historian Selaniki attributed the critical impetus for launching
the campaign to a report sent to the Porte by Abdullah, khan of Bukhara
(1583–1598) and by the Great Nogai Horde in early September 1587.11 It
stated that in autumn 1586, Murad Giray, one of the khanzades who had
yielded to the tsar, and who had fled to Moscow during the power struggle in
the Crimea, was ordered by Feodor I Ivanovich to reside in Astrakhan.12
A potential pretender to the Crimean throne constituted a permanent
threat to the Crimean khans and was also dangerous for the Ottoman Empire.
On the order of the tsar, Murad Giray would have been able to mobilize the
Cossacks on the Rivers Don and Terek against the Ottoman army.13 Therefore,
Grand Vizier Siyavuş Pasha had a thorough discussion about the potential
outcome of the undertaking with Sadi Efendi, the later şeyhülislam, during
which there was no attempt to conceal the failure of the 1569 campaign. The
plan was submitted to the sultan, who granted his approval on 21 September
1587, upon which they began the preparations for a campaign against
Astrakhan.14 They asked the Crimean khan and the Great Nogai Horde for
auxiliary troops to ensure the success of the venture.
10 The Habsburg ambassadors who sought alliance with the Persian shah against the Ottomans
travelled through Astrakhan. Barbara von Palombini, Bündniswerben abendländischer Mächte um
Persien 1453–1600. (Freiburger Islamstudien, 1.) Wiesbaden, 1968, 65–93, 100–105.
11 Selânikî Mustafa Efendi, Tarih-i Selânikî (971–1003/1563–1595). Ed. by Mehmet İpşirli. İstanbul, 1989, 190. Although Selaniki writes Little Nogai Horde, the response from
the Porte was addressed to Urus, the head of the Great Nogai Horde, and so it is definitely
an erratum.
12 A. V. Vinogradov, ‘Russko-Krymskie otnošenija v 1570–1590-h gg. v kontekste dinastičeskogo krizisa Gireev’, in Srednevekovye Tjurko-tatarskie gosudarstva. Vyp. 2. Kazan’, 2010,
274–299, accessed 1 October 2018, http://www.tataroved.ru/publicat/sttg_2.pdf.
13 A. V. Beljakov, Čingisidi v Rossii v XV−XVII vekov: prosopografičeskoe issledovanie. Rjazan’,
2011, 214, 285–287.
14 Selânikî, Tarih, 190–191.
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THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS OF KAZAN RE-EXAMINED
In 1587, an order was sent to Ali, the beg of the Şirin clans of the Crimea,
instructing him to take part in the expected campaign in person.15 In a few
days, the leader of the Great Nogai Horde, Urus, and twelve Nogai mirzas
received letters with similar content.16 Military preparations were entrusted to
Piyale Pasha, but the campaign was never realized.17
The Persian war came to an end in 1590, and the immediate threat passed
with the death of Murad Giray in 1591. The plan for the reconquest of
Astrakhan came off the table for the next half a century. The Ottoman Empire
was busy with the Long War in Hungary (1591–1606) and, immediately
afterwards, with the new Persian wars (1603–1618, 1623–1639), and there
was also a rebellion in the Crimea in 1624. As soon as these wars ended and
the situation in the Crimea stabilized, the plan emerged again,18 but not at the
initiative of the Sublime Porte. This time, the Muslims of the Volga region sent
a letter requesting the Muslim rulers to rid the region of Russian supremacy.
One of the duties of Muslim rulers, besides securing the circumstances of
worship, was to ensure the security of believers making the pilgrimage to
Mecca. As Persia was a Shiite country, the only way Central Asian Sunni
pilgrims could go to Istanbul and join the caravans was to pass through the
territory of Astrakhan and the Crimea.19 This gave the khans a very strong
reason, in addition to their claims to the heritage of the Golden Horde, to keep
permanent contact with the Volga region. Seventeenth-century Crimean
diplomatic documents frequently mention responsibilities towards Muslims.
A letter in which Khan Canibek Giray announced his second accession to the
throne (1628) to Gabriel Bethlen, prince of Transylvania, includes the words,
15 Ilias A. Mustakimov, Dokumenty po istorii Volgo-Uralskogo regiona XVI–XIX vekov iz
drevlehranilišč Turcii. Kazan’, 2008, 226–232.
16 Mustakimov, Dokumenty, 233–240.
17 Kurat, Türkiye ve İdil Boyu, 53–54; Mustakimov, Dokumenty, 241–247.
18 For the uprising against the Porte led by Mehmed Giray Khan and his brother Şahin
Giray, see Alexander Bennigsen, Peter Naili Boratav, Dilek Desaive and Chantal LemercierQuelquejay, Le Khanat de Crimée dans les Archives du Musée du Palais de Topkapı. Paris, La
Haye, 1978, 336–338.
19 Hélène Carrère d’Encausse, ‘Les routes commerciales de l’Asie centrale et les tentatives
de reconquête d’Astrakhan d’après les registres des « Affaires importantes » des Archives ottomanes’, Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique 11:3 (1970) 391–422.
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“God made me khan of the Crimean land, caliph of mankind and padishah of
Islam”.20 In the ahdname (treaty document) of the same khan sent to the Polish
King Vladislaus IV, he gives his title as “Great padishah of all the faithful and
Muslims”, a reference to the claim of protection over all Muslims. Twenty years
later, in 1654, Mehmed IV Giray announced his accession to the throne to
King John Casimir and Emperor Leopold I with the same image: “God put the
robe of the caliphate on my imperial shoulder.”21
There was rather unsettling news from the Muslims of the Volga region.
A letter from Sefer Gazi Ağa, the vizier of Crimean Khan Mehmed IV Giray,
to a high dignitary of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich (the document calls him
“vizier”), indicated that the Muslims in the Russian Empire had great need of
the khan’s protection: “If you asked why your army was defeated, well, it is one
hundred years that Kazan and Astrakhan have been in your hands, since the
time of yours ancestors. Until now, violence against the Muslims living there
has not been applied. Your ruler [thinks] he is wiser than his ancestors.
You have destroyed the mosques and medreses, the words of the almighty God
[that is, the Koran] were thrown into the fire, for that reason your army was
defeated. … If for some reason a prisoner came [in]to you[r hands], you do
not give him [for ransom], but you make him by torture a Christian. This will
not make more Christians. There are many Christians with us [but] we do not
20 Kırım yurtıga han eyleyüb halife-i enam ve padişah-i islam edüb… Ivanics Mária, ‘Két
krími-tatár oklevél Bethlen Gáborhoz’, Néprajz és Nyelvtudomány 19–20 (1975) 253–276.
The new number of the document is Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára, Budapest,
F 126-a-1-No. 2.
21 ...hilat-i hilafeti duş-i hümayunuma giyürüb… Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania. International Diplomacy on the European Periphery (15th–18th Century). A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by Annotated Documents. Leiden, Boston, 2011, 975.
Although the Ottoman sultans were the caliphs of Islam from 1517 until 1924, as Kołodziejczyk has pointed out, “in that period, Muslim jurists commonly agreed that any Muslim ruler
could claim the caliphal title on the condition that he defended and supported Islamic law.”
Kołodziejczyk, The Crimean Khanate, 363. For details about the caliphate, see Dominique
Sourdel, Ann K. S. Lambton, Frederick de Jong and Peter M. Holt, ‘K halīfa’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 4. Leiden, 1990, 937–953. With the same words to Holy Roman Emperor
Leopold I: HHStA, Wien, Türkische Urkunden 1660 XI–XII 1071. Rebiülahir (3 December
1660–1 January 1661).
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make them Muslims. To make [someone] a Christian or a Muslim by force is
unworthy.”22
The seventeenth-century sources cited below also show that, a hundred
years later, the Muslim rulers had not given up their wish to regain the two
cities. Among the Tatar documents first published by Veliaminov-Zernov is a
letter from İslam Giray suggesting to the Poles that they make an alliance
against Muscovy: “It is in Allah’s hand – may He be exalted! – to give. Should
the almighty God grant it, as many castles and lands that you can lay your
hands on, you can keep them all, they can be under your rule. It has been less
than a hundred years since Kazan and Astrakhan were conquered. Now, we
strive, and we would be satisfied with bringing back the people of Muhammad
into our hands.”23
The document is undated, but was presumably issued after the Peace of
Zborów (17 August 1649). It is clearly of a confidential character, because it
was taken to the Polish chancellor – most probably to Jerzy Ossoliński, who
died on 9 August 1650 – by Muhammed Gazi atalık, the former educator
of Khan İslam Giray. Senai, the author of a Crimean Tatar chronicle, seems to
have known that the plan for the anti-Muscovite alliance must have come from
Sefer Gazi Ağa.24 The Polish king did not want to ally against the Russians, but
22 Bu askerinüz ne sebebden kırıldı der bolsanız yüz yıl vardır Kazan ve Ejderhan baba ve dedelerinizden beri sizün elinüzdedir bu zamangaça anda bolgan müslümanga kıyın bolgan yok erdi
padişahınuz baba ve dedesinden akıllı bolub mescid ve medreselerin bozub tengri-i tealanun kelamın
ateşe yakdınuz ol sebeble askerinüz kırılmış dır […] size bir işe tutsak düşse culuvga bermeyüb kıyın
bilen hristiyan etesiz anın birle hristiyan köp bolmaz bizde de hristiyan köbdür güç bilen müsliman
etmeziz güç ve kıyın birle hristiyan etmek ve müslüman etmek layık tügeldür. V. V. Veliaminov-Zernov and H. Feyzhanov, Materialy dlja istorii Krymskogo Hanstva. Sankpeterburg, 1864. (Kırım
Yurtına ve Ol Taraflarga Dair Bolgan Yarlıglar ve Hatlar. Ed. by A. Melek Özyetgin and Ilyas
Kamalov. Ankara, 2009), 874: No. 362.
23 Vermek Allahu teala elindedür hakk-i teala verüb her ne kadar kala ve memleket ele girürse
sizindür zabt edesiz bizim de bu mertebe ikdamımız yüz yıl olmuşdegüldir (sic!) Ecderhan ve Kazan
alındugı ol ümmet-i Muhammed elimize girdikde kayıluzdır. Veliaminov-Zernov and Feyzhanov,
Materialy, 861: No. 353. On the title atalık, see A. V. Beliakov, A. V. Vinogradov and M. B.
Moiseev, ‘Institut ataličestva v postzolotoordynskom mire’, Zolotoordynskoe Obozrenie 5:2
(2017) 412–436.
24 Kırımlı Hacı Mehmet Senai, Historia Chana Islam Gereja III. Tekst turecki wydał,
przełożył i opracował Zygmunt Abrahamowicz; uzupełniający komentarz historyczny Olgierd
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he did want to make use of Tatar ambitions, as is clear from Mariusz Jaskólski’s
embassy to Khan İslam Giray. Jaskólski arrived at Bakhchisaray in 7 April
1654.25 He was instructed to demand only a few auxiliary troops for the
Rzeczpospolita, saying that the khan should use his main strength against
Alexei Mikhailovich to recapture Kazan and Astrakhan.26
After the death of İslam Giray in October the same year (1654), Jaskólski
returned to the Crimea to take a solemn oath from the new khan, Mehmed IV
Giray, for the treaty agreed with his predecessor. The peace instrument granted
by Mehmed IV Giray to King John Casimir on 11 November 1654 shows that
– as Dariusz Kołodziejczyk has noted – the khans continuously upheld their
claim to Kazan and Astrakhan and even to all of the former territories of the
Golden Horde, including South Siberia and the Pre-Caucasus: “You should
sincerely keep your oath and engagement, and until the end of your life you
should not make peace with the Moscovian ruler, but you should set out with
your troops against him; if – by the grace of His Excellency, God (may He be
exalted!) – God enables us the conquest of Kazan, Astrakhan, Terek and Tura,
being [presently] held by Muscovy, or any region in that country inhabited by
Tatars or Nogais, neither you, our brother, nor any of the Polish lords should
interfere, as [these conquests] will belong to us.”27 The Polish-Tatar negotiations,
Górka i Zbigniew Wójcik; pod red. naukową Zbigniewa Wójcika. Warszawa, 1971, 136. The
Tatars’ proposal had already been brought up during negotiations in Zborów, but the Poles
rejected it, citing the eternal Polish–Russian peace concluded on the Poljanovka River in 1634;
cited by Kołodziejczyk, The Crimean Khanate, 161: note 465.
25 In February 1657, the Polish king sent him to Istanbul to persuade the sultan to punish Prince György II Rákóczi of Transylvania. On the life of Mariusz Stanislaw Jaskólski
(died 1683), see the article by Tadeusz Novak, Polski Słovnik Biograficzny. Vol. 11. Warszawa,
Kraków, 1964–1965, 63–66.
26 Sławomir Augusiewicz, ‘Dwa poselstwa Mariusza Stanisława Jaskólskiego na Krym
w 1654 roku’, in F. Wolański and R. Kołodziej (eds.), Staropolski ogląd świata. Rzeczpospolita
między okcydentalizacją a orientalizacją. Vol. 1: Przestrzeń kontaktów. Toruń, 2009, 46–60, particularly 52.
27 Siz ahd ü yemini ŋüzde sadıq olub ömri ŋüz ahir oluncaya degin Mosqov padişahı ile barışmayub üzerine asker çıqup Haq taala hazretleri lutf edüp fethi müyesser olursa Mosqov zabtında
olan Qazan ve Ecderhan ve Terek ve Tura ve ol vilayetde her ne qadar Tatar ve Noġay halqı var
ise siz qarındaşımız ve cümle Leh bekleri qarışmayub bizim olub... Kołodziejczyk, The Crimean
Khanate, 974–981: No. 64; for the quotation, see 976 and 979 respectively.
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of course, did not remain a secret to the Russians. The voivode of Moscow
learned from Lukasz Bunowski, a captured Polish “tongue”,28 that in
Bakhchisaray, Jaskólski was shown a letter from the Tatars of Kazan and
Astrakhan asking the khan to free them from the slavery of the tsar.29 It is
probably that letter, or an updated copy of it, which is now held in the
Sächsische Landesbibliothek in Dresden (see Appendix) and is re-examined
below.
DATE OF THE PETITION
The petition bears no date, but the period it was written in may be discerned
from the events it describes. Russia and Persia forged diplomatic ties to help
them face their respective enemies – the Crimean Tatars and the Ottomans –
in the mid-sixteenth century. They maintained regular mutual embassies from
1586 until 1651, when the two sides came into conflict over a power rivalry in
the Caucasus.30 The source must therefore date from the time these ties were
in place, because afterwards, Muscovy was unable to deliver war material to the
Persians. The Ottoman–Persian war ended in 1639, after which these empires
did not fight each other for a century. Kurat’s proposal for the date 1635, the
last year of the reign of Khan Canibek Giray, is therefore acceptable, but can be
refined by Russian sources.
At the end of 1634, the Porte commanded Khan Canibek Giray to liquidate
the Cossack camp on the River Don. Canibek Giray launched a campaign
against them in early 1635. He spent January in Kerch, on the strait between the
Black Sea and the Azov Sea. In the following months he crossed the strait and
stayed in the vicinity of Temrük.31 However, the campaign came to a premature
28 In Russian, too, jazyk means ‘language’ or ‘tongue’ which is a calque from Turkic dil, that is,
a prisoner of war expressly taken for obtaining information.
29 Cited after Jaroslav Fedoruk, Mižnarodna dyplomatija i polityka Ukrajiny 1654–1657, pt.
1: 1654 rik. L’viv, 1996, 42.
30 P. P. Bušev, Istorija posol’stv i diplomatičeskih otnošenij russkogo i iranskogo gosudarstv v
1585–1612 gg. Po russkim arhivam. Moskva, 1976, 36, 52.
31 Aleksej A. Novosel’skij, Bor’ba Moskovskogo gosudarstva s tatarami v pervoj polovine XVII.
veka. Moskva, Leningrad, 1948, 244–245.
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end in mid-March, when the Porte removed Canibek and appointed a new
khan in his place. A soon as Canibek Giray received the news of his deposition,
he fled to the Nogais on the River Kuban, from where he sailed to Kefe and then
to Istanbul.32 The use of the expression“this winter” in connection with Canibek’s
campaign shows that the petition must have been written between January and
mid-March 1635. If what the captured Polish “tongue” Lukasz Bunowski said
during his interrogation in 1654 is true, then the letter – despite being twenty
years old – could have been shown to Jaskólski in Bakhchisaray for the purpose
of convincing the Poles that the Tatars of Kazan and Astrakhan were ready to
stand up in support of the Crimean Khan.
THE ADDRESSEE OF THE PETITION
According to Kurat, the recipients were the Crimean müfti and, through him,
the Crimean khan; according to Iskhakov, they were the Crimean müfti and the
Ottoman sultan. The invocation of the document: Faziletlü efendi! (“Meritorious
lord!”) refers to the religious elders, showing that the addressee was undoubtedly
the Crimean müfti. Iskhakov cites the presence of the title sultan to argue that
the petition was addressed directly to the Ottoman ruler. It comes up twice in
the text: Benüm izzetlü sultanum! (“My honourable sultan!”), and Sultanumdan
rica bu dir ki zikr etdüğimüz ahvali tafsil üzere yazub han hazretlerine arz
eyleyüb… (“The request towards my sultan is to write down this mentioned
situation in detail and report it to his majesty the khan”).33
The Ottoman diplomatic manual required that a petition submitted to the
Ottoman ruler should use the title “padishah”, complemented with such
epithets as devletlü ‘illustrious’, ‘excellent’, saadetlü ‘prosperous’, ‘happy’, ‘fortunate’,
şevketlü ‘majestic’, kerametlü ‘generous’, ‘noble’ and with the title hazretleri ‘his
majesty’.34 Looking carefully at the text, we find: saadetlü padişah hazretlerine
32 The reason for his dethronement was his refusal, on the grounds of old age, to join the
Porte’s Persian campaign in person. He lived out his life in exile on the island of Rhodes. Bennigsen et al., Le Khanat de Crimée, 336.
33 Iskhakov, ‘Ob odnom poslanii’, 50: note 1.
34 Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı Belgelerinin Dili (Diplomatik). İstanbul, 1994, 207.
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THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS OF KAZAN RE-EXAMINED
(“to his majesty, the fortunate padishah”), and in the case of the Crimean khans:
Kırım padişahları (“The padishahs of Crimea”).
In the Ottoman Empire, the form of address: Sultanım! (“My sultan!”) was
used for the grand vizier or for persons of lower military, religious or juridical
ranks.35 It is also found in correspondence between officials and even in family
letters.36 I conclude from this that the sole addressee of the petition was the
Crimean müfti, and Benüm izzetlü sultanum! (“My honourable sultan!”) referred
to him rather than the Ottoman ruler. It was merely a polite formula, which
may correspond most to “My honourable lord!”
THE LANGUAGE OF THE SOURCE
Another difficulty is the language of the petition, which is very different from
that of the seventeenth-century Volga Tatar sources I know. These are wholly
free of Ottoman Turkish influence, which reached the Volga region only in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The language also differs from that of
diplomatic documents sent from the Crimean chancellery to the Polish kings
and to the Russian tsars. This strongly suggests that the petition kept today in
Dresden is not the original, but a contemporary or later translation from Tatar
to Ottoman Turkish. The translator had clearly mastered Ottoman Turkish,
but left in the translation some traces of his Tatar mother tongue. For example,
he used the Tatar word ulun (‘the shaft of an arrow’) of Eastern Turkic origin;
instead of Ottoman gidiş-geliş (‘comings and goings’), he wrote barış-keliş;
instead of demir (‘iron’), temir; and instead of asker çıkarırız (‘we set up
warriors’), asker çıkarız. If the translation is contemporary, it could have been
made at the chancellery of Bakhchisaray, because the khans used Ottoman
Turkish in their correspondence with Istanbul.37 From the style of writing,
35 Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, ‘Elkāb’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 11. İstanbul, 1995, 51–54; Mehmet İpşirli, ‘Arzuhal’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi.
Vol. 3. İstanbul, 1991, 447–448.
36 Ludwig Fekete, Türkische Schriften aus dem Archive des Palatins Nikolaus Esterházy. Budapest, 1932, Nos. 51, 57, 63, 64.
37 Bennigsen et al., Le Khanat de Crimée.
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MÁRIA IVANICS
however, I have the impression that it is probably a later translation, and the
original petition in the Tatar language is missing or has not yet been found.
DEMOGRAPHIC DATA IN THE PETITION
As for the population of the Volga region who could be rallied for war, the
number of two or three hundred thousand warriors given in the petition is
obviously an exaggeration, as is the statement that the land can feed hundreds
of thousands of troops, even though the Volga basin is one of the most fertile
areas in the Russian Empire. In my experience, excessive numbers are usually
to be divided by ten.
Iskhakov and Trepavlov give a more solid estimate of the military strength
of the Kazan Khanate.38 Tatar and Russian historians have estimated the total
population of the multinational khanate to have been 400–500,000 in the first
half of the sixteenth century.39 Of these, 150–200,000 were Tatars, and 50–
80,000 Chuvash. The number of Cheremis was given in the very wide range of
70–120,000, with the comment that there could have been no more than
200,000 of them.40
The number of warriors that could be brought to the field out of a population
of 400–500,000 can be determined only from external sources. Sigismund
Herberstein, ambassador of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V of Habsburg
and Archduke Ferdinand of Habsburg, estimated the Tatar army, including
the Cheremis and Chuvash, to number 30,000 in 1526.41 Adam Olearius first
travelled to Moscow as secretary of the embassy of Duke Frederick III of
38 Iskhakov, ‘Ob odnom poslanii’; V. V. Trepavlov, ‘“Oteckie deti”: Elita kazanskogo Hanstva
v litovskoj metrike’, Zolotoordynskoe Obozrenie 5:3 (2017) 600–611, accessed 18 October 2018,
http://goldhorde.ru/RU/2017-t5-n3/.
39 Trepavlov, ‘“Oteckie deti”’, 603.
40 Ibid.
41 Sigismund Herberstein, Rerum Moscoviticarum Commentarii. Synoptische Edition der
lateinischen und der deutschen Fassung letzter Hand, Basel 1556 und Wien 1557. Unter der
Leitung von Frank Kämpfer erstellt von Eva Maurer und Andreas Fülberth. Redigiert und herausgegeben von Hermann Beyer-Thoma. München, 2007, 296, accessed 16 November 2018,
https://www.dokumente.ios-regensburg.de/publikationen/Herberstein_ gesamt.pdf.
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THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS OF KAZAN RE-EXAMINED
Holstein-Gottorp in 1635, and a few years later, he went through Kazan and
Astrakhan to Persia. He gave the strength of the former Kazan Khanate army
as 60,000, presumably also including the Nogais.42
Iskhakov warned that the demographic data concerning the Finno-Ugric
peoples should be treated carefully because of their geographical location. Half
of the people might have lived under Russian rule, and the other half under the
Tatars. He found that the number of tax-payers given in Russian sources for
1631–1632 (11,000–12,000) was close to the number of households given in
the petition (10,000). In the case of the Udmurts (also called “Ar”) the situation
is the same. The Udmurt population was estimated to be 29,000 at the end of the
seventeenth century, but only 17,000 of them – the Southern Udmurts – were
ruled by the Tatars and could thus be taken into consideration. This figure is also
close to the 15,000 tax-paying Udmurt households in the petition.43
conclusions
There are two central questions to be addressed by analysis of the source: Can
we consider the petition by the people of Kazan as authentic, and did the plan
have any chance of being carried out? Our source is certainly not the original
petition. It is a translation, either from that period or, more likely, from a later
age. Nevertheless, both historical and linguistic arguments support the
proposition that at least one letter with this or similar content must have been
written. This is also supported by the demographic data. The addressees were
without doubt the Crimean müfti and, through him, the Crimean khan.
Although the Porte might also have received a copy of the document,44 the
Ottoman ruler was clearly not the secondary addressee. How the document
42 Adam Olearii, Außführliche Beschreibung Der Kundbaren Reyse Nach Muscow und Persien:
So durch gelegenheit einer Holsteinischen Gesandschafft von Gottorff auß an Michael Fedorowitz
den grossen Zaar in Muscow/ und Schach Sefi König in Persien geschehen.../ Adam Olearius. Jetzo
zum dritten und letzten mahl correct heraus gegeben. Schleßwig, 1663, 348, accessed 19 November
2018, http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/xb-4f-140/start.htm.
43 Iskhakov, ‘Ob odnom poslanii’, 53.
44 No traces of it can be found in documents concerning Kazan kept in Istanbul: Osmanlı Belgelerinde Kazan. (T. C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü; Osmanlı Arşivi
Daire Başkanlığı, Yayın Nu. 72.) Ankara, 2005.
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MÁRIA IVANICS
ended up in the Dresden colligatum is unknown. Errata found in the German
translation of the petition may be attributed to Zenker’s lack of geographical
knowledge.
Were such plans in any way realistic? Hardly. The military technology that
the Russian army used, especially its firearms, was already far superior to that
of the Tatars. Control of the Volga water route also gave the tsar some clear
logistic advantages. Neither could it have been taken for granted that the ethnic
groups listed in the letter would have started an anti-Muscovite uprising. In
the siege of Kazan in 1552, the Nogais were primarily concerned with their
own economic interests, to the extent of being prepared to give up Muslim
confessional solidarity.45 We should also bear in mind that the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth would gain little from weakening Muscovy, despite
its interest in doing so, if the result was to make the Crimean Khanate much
stronger. Finally, it is questionable whether the Giray dynasty’s claim to
historical and confessional rights over the two former Muslim khanates would
have been approved by the Porte.
appendix
(1) İzzetlü ve faziletlü ve fukaraya merhametlü EFENDİ hazretlerinün huzur-i
alilerine yüz sürdüğümüzden sonra arz-i hal-i fukara bu dir ki:46 benüm izzetlü
sultanum Kızılbaş fethinin ilacı
(2) vallahi-alem Gazan ve Ejderhan fethidür zira ol şah-i melunun mamur ve
rahat ocak47 yeri Bahr-i Kulzüm kenarıdur Gazan ve Ejderhan feth olınacak İdil
45 Some researchers believe that the involvement of the Nogais in the siege of Kazan, or at
least their neutrality, played a significant role in the Russian capture of the Volga region and
helped the Russians to reach the foothills of the Caucasus and to conquer Siberia in the 1580s.
Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay, ‘Co-optation of the Elits of Kabarda and Daghestan in the Sixteenth Century’, in Marie Bennigsen-Broxoup (ed.), The North Caucasus Barrier: The Russian
Advance Towards the Muslim World. London, 1992, 18–44, particularly 22.
46 Henricus Orthobius Fleischer, Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Orientalium Bibliothecae Regiae Dresdensis. Vol. 1. Part. E. Lipsiae, 1831, 54: Cod. turc. No. 361, https://digital.
slub-dresden.de/data/goobi/48837961X/48837961X_tif/jpegs/48837961X.pdf.
47 Zenker, and after him Kurat, read olıcak, which is a wrong reading.
372
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THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS OF KAZAN RE-EXAMINED
(3) suyı kenarında kadırgalar ve şaykalar yapılub Bahr-i Kulzüm etrafında olan
vilayetlerin ihlak ve ihrak olmaları mukarrerdür zira Maskav beği ile dostdur
(4) Gazan ve Ejderhan feth olundukdan sonra ol Kızılbaş-i bed-maaş bu ahvali
eşidüb Kırım hanlarına tabi olmaları mukarrerdür evvela saadetlü padişah
(5) hazretlerine asi olmasına sebeb Maskav beği olmışdur bu tarafdan padişahlara
sizün ile dostluğımız mukarrerdür düşmanunuz ile düşmanuz derler şah-i zalalet(6) penaha gerçi asker göndermez amma tüfenk ve barut ve kükürt ok-ulun48 temir
kurşun bakır ve bundan maada kese kese nokratlar sene ber sene eksik
(7) etmezler Gazan ve Ejderhan feth olıcak bunlarun mabeynleri kesilür zira İdil
suyiyle49 barış ve kelişleri katı olınur muhassal Gazan ve Ejderhan
(8) feth olınması padişahlarun himmetlerine mevkufdur vilayet-i Gazan hazret-i Ömer
zemanından berü islama gelüb mumin-i muhlislardur beş vakit namazların[d]a
(9) kaim daima dualarında ya rabbi padişah-i din-i islam eli altında olmak nasib
eyle derler alelhusus bu kışın Kefe beğlerbeğisi saadetlü İbrahim paşa
(10) hazretleriyle Kırım hanı şevketlü Canibek Giray han hazretleri nehr-i Ten’de
vaki Ten Kazagı taburlarınun hedmi içün teveccüh buyurub Canibek
(11) Giray han hazretleri Temrük’de Kuban nam mahalde mani düşüb kalmagıyle
Kefe beğlerbeğisi İbrahim paşa hazretleri kale-i Azag’a gelüb devlet-i
(12) padişah-i islamda tamam mertebe tamir ve termim etmişdirki rus-i menhus
eşkıyasına havf ve haşiyet düşmüşdür eger Kırım hanı tob ve tüfenk ve
(13) asker ile Gazan fethi kasdına geliyor deyü eşidirlerse inşallahu teala her birleri
muti olmaları mukarrerdür bu hakir kulınuzı beğler ve ihtiyarlar
(14) cem olub ittifak ile gönderdiler elbette bizüm ahvalimüzi ve askerimüzi ve
mamurlıgını ve mahsulını bir bir bildürib saadetlü Kırım hanından istimdad
(15) eyle ve ulema ve suleha ve meşayih izamlarına her birlerine arz her birleri
muavenet edüb Kırım padişahların bu tarafa teveccüh etmesine sebeb olub bir alay
(16) ümmet-i Muhammedi kafirler elinden kurtarsunlar eger bu beyan etdigimiz
ahvali etmezlerse bizim ellerimiz anların yakası deyüb kemal mertebe her birleri
tazri ve
48 In the German translation, Alaun, without any explanation. Zenker probably did not know
the Eastern Turkic word ulun ‘a thin stick or shoot; hence, the shaft of an arrow’; see Sir Gerard
Clauson, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish. Oxford, 1972, 147.
49 In the facsimile, ﺍﻭﻝ ﺼﻭﻳﻳﻠﻪol suyiyle. It is obviously a copying error instead of ادل ﺼﻭﻳﻳﻠﻪİdil
suyiyle, which was not taken into account by previous researchers.
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MÁRIA IVANICS
(17) niyaz edüb yalvarmışlardur iki üç kerre yüz bin asker çıkarız derler ve imareti
olkadardurki üç yıla dek bir avuç tohum bırakmasalar ve yüz bin asker
(18) içinde dursa kifayet eder derler terekesi ve balıgı asla kesilmez bir kavm
vardurki Çerşi-Çermişi derler kırk bin hane dur her hanesi yasaklı dur
(19) baba dedesinden mülklerine göre kimi on batman bal ve kimleri beş batman
bal ve hiç vermeyen bir batman bal verirler ve Tav-Çuvaşı derler bir kavm ki
(20) yigirmi bin hane dur cümlesi yasaklıdur işbu uslub üzere akçe ve tereke ve
zerdava ve sincab ve tilki ve as cümlesinden uslub-i sabık üzere verir
(21) İştek-Baş-kurt on bin hane dur işbu uslub üzere yasak verirler ve Tura
vilayetinin mahsulı yedi şehir dür sekiz kerre yüz bin50 semmur verirler
(22) ve kara tilki dahi olkadar verirler ve dahi taife-i Ar on beş bin hane dür
yasaklıdur anlar dahi ol uslub üzere akçe ve bal ve semmur ve sincab ve zerdava
(23) ve kunduz, kama, as sudan balık ve karadan yasak verirler Çermiş Çuvaş
İştek-Baş-kurt Ar cümlesi atlıdur yaraklıdur Gazan ile Ejderhan mabeyni
(24) otuz günlük yoldır ol yerin bir yanı ak kumdır Gazandan Ejderhana varınca
arşınla satılur balık avcılarına verirler ve dahi Gazan ve Ejderhan iskeledür
(25) her yıl Kızılbaş ve Buhara ve Ürgenc’den ve Taşkend ve Türkistan ve
Kaşkardan Hata ve Hotan’dan ve Hindustan’dan kerban gelür baci u haracı ve çil
yeki ve deh yeki
(26) ve penc yeki gelür saadetlü Kırım hanı olan kimesnelere gayret-i din-i mübin
ve icra-i sünen-i51 seyyidü’l-mürselin ahra52 ve ahsen belki evceb ve elzem oldugı
ilm-i şerifine
(27) puşide degildür küffar-i haksar elinden bir alay ümmet-i Muhammedi tahlis
etmenin mesubatı ne mertebe oldugı meczumınızdur burada[n] asker-i islam ile
Gazana teveccüh olunsa
(28) bu kadar ehl-i islam askerinden asla kimse mukabele edüb mukatele ve
mücadele etmek ihtimalı yokdur bu hakir kulınuzı ittifakla bu canibe gönderüb
asker-i islam ne zeman gelür
50 The source states sekiz kerre yüz bin (“eight hundred thousand”), Kurat read sekiz kerre
bin (“eight hundred”).
51 Kurat read sünü (?).
52 Kurat read ecri, which is a wrong reading.
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THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS OF KAZAN RE-EXAMINED
(29) deyü andagı müslümanlar bu hakirin varmasına müntezirlerdür sultanımdan
rica bu dir ki zikr etdügimiz ahvali tafsil üzere yazub han hazretlerine arz eyleyüb
bir alay
(30) ümmet-i Muhammedi küffar-i haksar elinden halas bulmaları babında himmet-i
ulyaları53 bi-dirig buyuralar baki ne diyelüm ki muhat-i ilm-i şerifleri olmıya
men el-hakir Rahman Kulı
Translation54
After
prostrating ourselves in the high presence of his excellency, the
honourable, meritorious EFENDİ who is merciful towards the poor,
the petition of [this] humble one (that is, Rahman Kulı) is as follows:
My honourable lord (sultan)! The remedy for the victory of the Kizilbash
(that is, the shah of Persia) is – God knowing it best – would be the conquest
of Kazan and Astrakhan, because the flourishing and comfortable land of this
accursed shah is located on the shores of the Caspian Sea.55 If Kazan and
Astrakhan are conquered, and galleys and barges are built on the banks of the
River Volga, the destruction and burning of his provinces located at the shores
of the Caspian Sea is certain, because he (that is, the shah of Persia) is a friend
of the beg of Moscow.56 It is certain that as soon as the miscreant Kizilbash hears
about the conquest of Kazan and Astrakhan he will submit himself to the khan
of Crimea. The cause of his previous rebellious behaviour57 toward his majesty,
53 Kurat read aliyeleri instead of ulyaları which is the correct one.
54 My thanks go to Claudia Römer for revising the English translation of the Ottoman
source.
55 Zenker translated it as Red Sea. Although the Bahr-i Kulzüm may mean the Red Sea, too,
the context of the petition excludes this option. For the twofold meaning of Bahr-i Kulzüm,
see Mahmut Ak, ‘Osmanlı Coğrafyasında İki Yer Adı (Bahr-i Kulzüm/Kurzüm) Üzerine’, İlmî
Araştımalar 2 (1996) 7–12.
56 Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov (1613–1645). From 1547 onward, the Russian rulers
wore the title of tsar. Halil İnalcık, ‘Power Relationships between Russia, the Crimea and the
Ottoman Empire as Reflected in Titulature’, in Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay, Gilles Veinstein
and S. Enders Wimbush (eds.), Passé turco-tatar, présent soviétique: Études offertes à Alexandre
Bennigsen. Louvain, Paris, 1986, 208–211.
57 It is a reference to the long Persian war of Sultan Murad IV (1623–1639).
375
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MÁRIA IVANICS
the exalted [Ottoman] padishah was the beg of Moscow. “From our side our
friendship is certain towards you and your enemies are our enemies too” – they
(that is, the Muslims of Kazan) said to the padishahs. Although he (that is, the
beg of Moscow) does not send the shah, the refuge of error, any troops, he
supplies him with guns, gunpowder, sulphur, arrow shafts, iron, lead, copper
and moreover with gold bags, which do not diminish from year to year. If Kazan
and Astrakhan were conquered, their connection would be disrupted, because
their dealings (barış ve kelişleri) via the Volga would be cut. In short, the conquest
of Kazan and Astrakhan rests only upon the effort of the padishahs. The
province of Kazan is converted to Islam since the time of Umar,58 they are
faithful believers, they consistently perform their five daily prayers and in their
invocations they say, “O Lord, let us live under the rule of the padishah of the
Islamic faith.” Especially this winter, his excellency, İbrahim Pasha,59 the
fortunate governor-general of Caffa, and his majesty, the khan of Crimea, the
powerful Canibek Giray moved out for the destruction of the camp of the Don
Cossacks on the Don.60 Now his majesty, Canibek Giray Khan, remained
because of an obstacle in a place named Temrük, on the River Kuban.61 His
excellency, the governor-general of Caffa, İbrahim Pasha, came to Azov,62 and
had [the fortress located] in the realm of the padishah of Islam so perfectly
58 It is an obvious anachronism, since Umar, the second caliph of Islam, occupied the position between 634 and 644, while in the Volga region Almısh, ruler of Volga Bulgaria was the
first who converted to Islam in the early tenth century.
59 İbrahim Pasha is mentioned as beylerbeyi of Caffa in an undated (1636?) letter of the
Crimean khan addressed to the grand vizier. Bennigsen et al., Le Khanat de Crimée, 147.
60 The Don Cossacks stood in constant struggle with the Tatars of the Little Nogai Horde,
who were subordinates of the Crimean khans. V. V. Trepavlov, ‘Malaja Nogajskaja Orda. Očerk
istorii’, Tjurkologočeskij Sbornik 2003–2004. Tjurkskie narody v dervnosti i srednevekov’e. Moskva, 2005, 273–311.
61 The fortress of Temrük is located on the Taman Peninsula, on the right bank of the southwestern branch of the River Kuban, not far from its mouth. Zenker was apparently not familiar
with any of the place names, and translated Temrük’de Kuban nam mahalde as “an einem Orte
mit Namen Tumurkda Kaban”.
62 Azak (today Azov), is a fortress at the mouth of the River Don. Taking advantage of
the conflict between the new Crimean khan, Inayet Giray (1635–1637) and the head of the
Mansur clans, Cantemir, as well as the engagement of the Sublime Porte in the Persian war,
the Don Cossacks captured Azov on 28 June 1637.
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THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS OF KAZAN RE-EXAMINED
restored and renovated that the cursed Russian bandits strike into fear and
dread. If they hear that the khan of Crimea marches with cannons, guns and an
army to conquer Kazan − if the almighty God wills − certainly all of them will
yield. After the begs and the elders gathered, they have sent unanimously me,
your humble servant, “By all means, one by one inform him [that is the müfti of
Crimea] about our circumstances and our army, about the flourishing and
revenue [of the land]. Ask the fortunate Crimean khan to help. Submit to each
of the distinguished scholars, the pious men and the sheikhs [a petition] that
each of them should help, that they should be the cause for the padishah of the
Crimea to come here in order to free a group of Muslim people from the hands
of the infidels. If he does not act as explained by us, so we will judge him on the
Day of Judgement”63 – each of them asked and begged in the most humble way.
They say, “Two or three hundred thousand men we can draft. The fertility [of
the land] is so great that even if one does not hold on to a handful of seeds for
three years, and even if a hundred thousand warriors remain there, it would still
suffice. Grain and fish do not run out. The people (kavm) called Cheremis
(Çerşi-Çermişi),64 is forty thousand households (hane), all are tributary (yasaklı).
From father and grandfather they give according to their wealth, some ten
batmans of honey, some five batmans and who has nothing still gives a batman of
honey.65 The Hill-Chuvash (Tav-Çuvaşı)66 is a people (kavm) of twenty thousand
households and all are tributary. In the same way they give money, grain, marten,
squirrel, fox, and ermine furs, all of them according to the old usage. The IshtekBashkirs67 are ten thousand households and give tribute (yasak) in the same
63 Literally: our hand is on his collar, that is, we stick to his collar/we pinch his neck.
64 It is the Tatar name of the Meadow Mari (Cheremis), who speak a Finno-Ugric language.
65 Batman was a measure of weight, which varied from place to place. In the Volga region, it
was equivalent to 4 Russian poods (ca. 65.5 kg) in the seventeenth century. One Russian pood
measured 16.38 kg. Posol’skie knigi po svjazam Rosii s Nogajskoj Ordy (1551−1561 gg). Sost. D.
A. Mustafina and V. V. Trepavlov, Kazan’, 2006, 381. However batman also means a honey pot,
an operculate tube 25–35 cm in diameter and 35–45 cm in height, made from linden wood
and used to store honey, and this may be the meaning it has here; accessed 14 December 2018,
https://ru.glosbe.com/ba/ru/батман.
66 It is the Tatar name of the Northwest Chuvash.
67 Ishtek is an exonym for the Bashkirs. They were called so by the Nogais, the Kazakhs, the
Crimean Tatars and the Kalmyks.
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MÁRIA IVANICS
way. The income of the province of Tura is [the tribute of ] seven cities,68 they
give eight times one hundred thousand sable furs and just as many black fox
furs. Further, the people (taife) of Ar are fifteen thousand households, all
tributary. They give in the same way money, honey, sable, squirrel, marten,
beaver, otter and ermine furs. They give from the rivers fish and from the land
tribute. Cheremis, Chuvash, Ishtek-Bashkir and Ar all are mounted and armed.
Between Kazan and Astrakhan there is a thirty days’ journey. One side of this
place is white sand. It is sold to fishermen by arshins from Kazan to Astrakhan.69
Furthermore, Kazan and Astrakhan are ports. Every year caravans arrive from
Persia, Bukhara, Ürgendj, Tashkent, Turkistan, Kashgar, Khatai (China),
Khotan and Hindustan. The customs and taxes are one fortieth, one tenth, and
one fifth.” It is not hidden from the noble knowledge of the khans of Crimea
that the effort for the true faith and the carrying out of the ordinances of the
Lord of Prophets (that is, Muhammad) is worthy and salutary, and is in fact
required. He knows for sure what the reward of freeing a group of Muslim
people from the hands of the miserable infidels is. If he moved against Kazan
from here (that is, Crimea) with troops of Islam, certainly no one would oppose
so many Muslim warriors, the possibility of doing battle with them, to fight
against them is excluded. Me, your poor servant having been sent here by
unanimity the Muslims [of Kazan] are awaiting [my return] and ask when the
army of Islam comes. The request towards my sultan is to write down this
mentioned situation in detail, report it to his majesty the khan, and to deign to
make without refusal his exalted efforts in the case of freeing a bunch of Muslim
people from the hand of miserable infidels. Incidentally, what more may we say
what is not known already to his sublime knowledge?
Me, the poor Rahman Kuli70
68 In the German translation, vierzig ‘forty cities’ which is a mistake.
69 In the Volga region, 1 arshin is 0.7112 cm. Lazar Budagov, Sravnitel´nyj slovar´ turecko-tatarskih narečij. Vol. 1. Sanktpeterburg, 1869–1871, 28.
70 It is a common Muslim name. Kurat, and after him Iskhakov, considered him a Kazan
merchant. His name has not yet been found in other sources.
378
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THE 1635 PETITION OF THE TATARS OF KAZAN RE-EXAMINED
Figure 1
After Kurat, Türkiye ve İdil Boyu, Facsimile No. XI.
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VON DER HEERESFOLGE
FREIGESTELLTE TIMAR-INHABER
IN DER ZWEITEN HÄLFTE
DES 17. JAHRHUNDERTS
Hans Georg Majer
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München
hans.georg.majer@lmu.de
Die osmanische Armee bestand traditionell vor allem aus den Pfortentruppen, den Janitscharen und den belehnten Truppen, den Sipahis. Die Janitscharen waren besoldete Infanteristen, standen in ihren Kasernen in der Hauptstadt, waren allezeit verfügbar und stellten die Garnisonen in zahlreichen
Festungen des Reiches.1 Die Sipahis lebten von den Abgaben der Dörfer, die
ihnen der Staat als Timar, bis 19.999 Akçe Einkommen, oder als Ziamet, von
20.000 bis 99.999 Akçe Einkommen, manchmal wesentlich höher,2 gegen die
Verpflichtung zur Heeresfolge übertrug.3 Lange Zeit bildete diese belehnte
1 Siehe: Kemal Beydilli, ‘Yeniçeri’, in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [=TDVİA].
Bd. 43. İstanbul, 2013, 450–462; Rhoads Murphey, ‘Yeñi Čeri’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam. 2.
Aufl. [=EI. 2. Aufl.]. Bd. 11. Leiden, 2002, 322–331; Mücteba İlgürel, ‘Yeniçeriler’, in İslâm
Ansiklopedisi [=İA]. Bd. 13. İstanbul, 1986, 385–395.
2 Siehe: Géza Dávid, A
‘ ssigning a Zeamet in the 16th Century: Revenue-Limits and OfficeHolding’, in Ingeborg Baldauf und Suraiya Faroqhi (Hrsg.), Armağan. Festschrift für Andreas
Tietze. Praha, 1994, 47–57.
3 Statt Timar und Ziamet verwende ich gelegentlich die Bezeichnung Lehen, denn obwohl
nicht deckungsgleich, sind die Begriffe einander ähnlich genug.
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HANS GEORG MAJER
Kavallerie das Gros des osmanischen Heeres.4 Ein Befehl des Sultans genügte,
um das Heer einzuberufen. Dazu ergingen Fermane an die Gouverneure der
Provinzen, die Beylerbeys und Sandschakbeys, die dieses Timar-Aufgebot
kommandierten, sich zu einem festgelegten Termin mit ihrer Truppe an einem
bestimmten Sammelplatz einzufinden. Im späten 17. Jahrhundert verlief das
nicht immer ganz reibungslos. Häufig musste Befehl auf Befehl an dieselben
Empfänger ergehen, denn mancher Timar-Inhaber war bestrebt sich seinen
Pflichten zu entziehen.5 Andererseits gab es aber auch Personen, die offiziell
vom Kriegsdienst im Timar-Aufgebot entbunden wurden.
DIE QUELLE
Ein Defter in der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek zu Wien,
gibt darüber Auskunft. Dieses Defter, Cod. mixt. 1305, zeigt mit den Maßen 30,5 × 10
cm das hochrechteckige Format der meisten osmanischen Defter, umfasst 228
Blatt (fol. 204r–228v unbeschrieben) und ist in einen osmanischen Ebru-Pappeinband mit Lederrücken und ledernen Stoßrändern gebunden. Die Schrift,
teils Divani teils Siyakat, weist auf mehrere Schreiber. Ohne Titel beginnen
die Einträge am 14. Safer [10]79/24. Juli 1668 und laufen bis zum 16. Ramadan [10]94/8. September 1683. Ein Vergleich mit Deftern des Başbakanlık
Osmanlı Arşivi in Istanbul erweist es als ein Register aus dem Defterhane-i
6
4 Halil İnalcık, ‘Timar’, in TDVİA. Bd. 43. İstanbul, 2012, 168–173; Halil İnalcık, ‘Tīmār’,
in EI. 2. Aufl. Bd. X. Leiden, 2000, 502–507; Ömer Lûtfi Barkan, ‘Timar’, in İA. Bd. 12/1. İstanbul, 1974, 286–333; Colin Imber, The Ottoman Empire 1300–1650: The Structure of Power.
New York, 2002, 193–206 (Kapitel: Fiefs); Douglas A. Howard, ‘Why Timars? Why Now?
Ottoman Timars in the Light of Recent Historiography’, Turkish Historical Review 8:2 (2017)
119–144; Géza Dávid–Pál Fodor, ‘Changes in the Structure and Strength of the Timariot
Army from the Early Sixteenth to the End of the Seventeenth Century’, Eurasian Studies 2
(2005 [2007]) 157–188.
5 Demnächst darüber: Hans Georg Majer, Krieg–Frieden–Umsturz. Das Osmanische Reich
unter Sultan Mustafa II. (1695–1703).
6 Smail Balić, Katalog der türkischen Handschriften der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek.
Neuerwerbungen 1864–1994. Mit einem Anhang: Bosnische Aljamiado-Handschriften. Ankara,
2006, 253–254.
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VON DER HEERESFOLGE FREIGESTELLTE TIMAR-INHABER
amire,7 verwandt mit den Tahvil Defterleri8 die die Vergabe von Timaren
(timar tevcihatı) registrierten. Für die Jahre dieses Wiener Defters besitzt das
Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi im Kamil Kepeci Tasnifi9 sechs Tahvil Defterleri.
Sie überschneiden sich teilweise zeitlich und es klaffen Lücken zwischen
ihnen.10 Das Wiener Defter kann keine der Lücken füllen, sondern ist parallel
zu einigen der Defter angelegt worden. Anders als diese Defter, die nach Provinzen geordnet, Vergaben von Timaren und Ziamets an berechtigte Personen
verzeichnen, erweist sich das Wiener Defter als ein spezialisiertes Defter,
das über Provinzgrenzen hinweg bestimmte Personen oder Personengruppen
vom Dienst in den für sie zuständigen militärischen Einheiten direkt oder
indirekt freistellt. Ein zeitlich früheres, ähnliches Defter im Başbakanlık
Osmanlı Arşivi definiert sich nach seiner Aufschrift als Cebelü Defteri11 und
in diese Defter-Gattung passt auch das Wiener Exemplar.
Lücken in den Beständen des Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi gehen nicht selten auf den zumindest teilweisen Verlust der osmanischen Kanzleien bei Niederlagen der Großwesire zurück, besonders auf die Niederlage Großwesir
Kara Mustafa Paschas vor Wien am 12. September 1683. Es war osmanische
Tradition auf den von Sultanen oder Großwesiren geführten Feldzügen einen
7 Zu dieser wichtigen Kanzlei, die das gesamte Timarsystem verwaltete siehe Erhan Afyoncu,
Osmanlı Devlet Teşkilâtında Defterhâne-i Âmire (XVI.–XVIII. Yüzyıllar). Ankara, 2014.
8 Zu Tahvil, dem Tahvil Kalemi und Tahvil Defterleri siehe: Recep Ahiskalı, ‘Tahvil’, in
TDVİA. Bd. 39. İstanbul, 2010, 440–442; İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devletinin
Merkez ve Bahriye Teşkilâtı. Ankara, 1948, 43–45, 83–88; Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Rehberi.
İstanbul, 2017, 59–69; Afyoncu, Defterhâne-i Âmire, siehe Index.
9 Defter Nr. 438 (für die Jahre 1075–1088/1664–1677), Nr. 439 (für 1075–1077/1664–
1666/67), Nr. 440 (für 1076–1081/1665–1670/71), Nr. 442 (für 1079–1081/1668–1670/71),
Nr. 449 (für 1093–1097/1682–1685/86) und Nr. 451 (für 1095–1099/1683–1687/88).
10 Diese Defter sind registriert in Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi Rehberi, 63–64.
11 Defter oldurki Rumili ve Anadolunun cebelülerin beyan eder. Dieses Defter KK. d. 405 das,
eingeordnet unter die Tahvil Kalemi Defterleri, die Jahre 1059–61/1649–1651 umfasst, ist
aber anders als das Wiener Defter zum Teil auch nach Sandschaken gegliedert und registriert
nur Knaben und Kranke und ihre Verpflichtung Cebelüs zu stellen. Dieses Register wurde
auch von Dávid und Fodor benutzt: ‘Changes in the Structure and Strength of the Timariot
Army’, 167, 184–185.
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HANS GEORG MAJER
funktionsfähigen Teil der großherrlichen Kanzlei mitzuführen,12 da der
Großwesir auch während dieser Zeit die Geschicke des Reiches lenkte. Dazu
gehörten neben aktuellen Registerbänden (defter) auch für die Amtsführung
unentbehrliche ältere Registerbände. Diese Bände konnten bei der Niederlage
eines Großwesirs in die Hände des Gegners fallen.13 Zu den aktuell geführten
Deftern gehörte das Cebelü Defteri Cod. mixt. 1305, das während des Wiener
Belagerung noch bis zum 8. September, also bis vier Tage vor der Schlacht am
Kahlenberg geführt worden ist.
Wer im Lager vor Wien das Defter sich genommen hat ist unbekannt,
ebenso sein weiteres Schicksal.14 Erst 1931 ist es als Geschenk in die Österreichische Nationalbibliothek gelangt.15
Das Defters zeigt, dass und wie Personen und Personengruppen von der
persönlichen Heeresfolge innerhalb des osmanischen Timar-Aufgebot freigestellt waren oder freigestellt werden konnten: minderjährige Knaben, Kranke,
Alte und Verletzte, Mekkapilger, Defterlüs hoher Würdenträger und Sipahis
mit besonderen Aufgaben oder Funktionen. Eine Schwächung der Armee sollte daraus aber nicht entstehen und so gab es Bedingungen.
12 Feridun Emecen, ‘Sefere Götürülen Defterlerin Defteri’, in Prof. Dr. Bekir Kütükoğlu’na
Armağan. İstanbul, 1991, 241–268.
13 Hans Georg Majer, ‘Almanya Arşivleri ve Kütüphanelerindeki Osmanlı Belgeleri’, in Yonca Köksal und Mehmet Polatel (Hrsg.), Avrupa Arşivlerinde Osmanlı İmparatorluğu. Ankara,
2014, 21–25; Hans Georg Majer, ‘Fundstücke aus der vor Wien verlorenen Kanzlei Kara
Mustafa Paşas (1683)’, in Klaus Kreiser und Christoph K. Neumann (Hrsg.), Das Osmanische
Reich in seinen Archivalien und Chroniken. Nejat Göyünç zu Ehren. Istanbul, 1997, 115–122.
14 Einen Hinweis geben jedoch Besitzervermerke auf dem Vorderdeckelspiegel: „Ex Bibliotheca Crainensi H.V.S.“, wohl aus dem 18. Jahrhundert, sowie „G. v J.“ wohl erst im 20. Jahrhundert mit Bleistift geschrieben und aus derselben Zeit, ebenfalls mit Bleistift am oberen Rand
AHZ no/ RHZ (wohl Vermerk aus dem Antiquariatshandel). Für diese Auskünfte danke ich
Frau Dr. Katharina Kaska, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien.
15 Balić, Katalog, 254.
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VON DER HEERESFOLGE FREIGESTELLTE TIMAR-INHABER
KNABEN
Von der Heeresfolg befreit wurden in allererster Linie unmündige Knaben
(sabi), die die Timare oder Ziamets ihrer Väter nach deren Tod zugewiesen
bekommen hatten. Im klassischen Timarsystem wird, wie beispielsweise im
osmanischen Kanunname über die Timar-Vergabe von 1575/1576 festgelegt,
bei der Vergabe von Timaren und Ziamets deutlich unterschieden, ob ein
Vater verstorben oder gefallen ist und wie hoch die Einkünfte seines Timars
oder Ziamets waren. Danach richtet sich der Anspruch der Söhne oder des
Sohnes auf Versorgung durch ein Timar bis zur eigenen Dienstfähigkeit, und
die Verpflichtung bis dahin Cebelüs zu stellen.16
Etwa hundert Jahre später zeigt das Wiener Cebelü Defteri Cod. mixt.
1305, dass sich vieles geändert hatte. Wie präsentiert sich nun die osmanische
Praxis? Noch immer erhalten unmündige Söhne Timare und weiterhin haben
sie sich durch bewaffnete Knechte (cebelüs) im Heer vertreten zu lassen. Die
Vergabe an unmündige Söhne verstorbener Inhaber wurden nun für alle Provinzen, die in Timare eingeteilt waren, zumindest in den Jahren 1659–1661
und 1668–1683 gesondert erfasst und in die Cebelü Defterleri eingetragen.
Ein Eintrag in das Defter beginnt mit einer horizontalen Linie, die sich am
Ende nach oben krümmt und das Wort Timar symbolisiert. Über der Linie,
links erscheint die Bezeichnung des Sandschaks. Unter der Linie steht der
Name des Knaben, meist in der Form Mustafa Sohn des Musli (Mustafa veled-i
Musli). Er kann durch Titel und Ämter des Vaters erweitert sein. Darunter in
Siyakat-Schrift die Bezeichnung des Timars und sein nomineller Ertrag in
Akçe. Schräg von unten rechts nach oben links geschrieben folgt darunter der
aktuelle Text. Er beginnt meist mit den Worten: „nach dem Tode seines Vaters
16 Zu diesem Kanunname siehe: Douglas A. Howard, ‘Ottoman Administration and the
Timar System. Sūret-i Kānūnnāme-i ‘Osmānī Berāy-i Tīmār Dāden’, Journal of Turkish Studies
20 (1996) (= In Memoriam Abdülbaki Gölpınarlı, Hatıra Sayısı, Bd. 21.) 71 (englische Übersetzung), 94–95 (Transkription), 115 (Faksimile); Joseph von Hammer, Des osmanischen Reichs
Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung dargestellt aus den Quellen seiner Grundgesetze. Erster
Theil. Die Staatsverfassung. Wien, 1815 (Nachdruck Hildesheim 1977), 353–354; siehe auch:
Maria M. Alexandrescu-Dersca Bulgaru, ‘Sur la transmission du timar dans l’Empire ottoman
(XVe-XVIe siècles’, in Hans Georg Majer und Raoul Motika (Hrsg.), Türkische Wirtschaftsund Sozialgeschichte von 1071–1920. Wiesbaden, 1995, 3–10.
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HANS GEORG MAJER
hat er es erhalten“ (babası fevtinden alub), oder auch: „nach dem Tode ihres
Vaters wurde es ihnen verliehen“ (babaları fevtinden tevcih olunub).17 In keinem
Fall wird wie im Kanunname unterschieden, ob der Vater in der Schlacht oder
zu Hause gestorben ist und die Höhe der an die Knaben vergebenen Timare
wurde nicht mehr danach differenziert. Erben zwei Knaben zusammen, bekommen sie nach wie vor jeweils die Hälfte.18 Allerdings sind die ihnen übertragenen Einkünfte nicht auf die im Kanunname genannten Timare von 2000
bis 6000 Akçe beschränkt. Sie erhalten das Timar oder Ziamet des Vaters mit
den vollen Einkünften. Ihre Lehen variieren nun zwischen einem Ziamet von
83.390 Akçe das an zwei Söhne je zur Hälfte ging19 und einem Timar von nur
1600 Akçe.20 Die Einträge betonen dann, dass sie als Knaben zur Feldzugsteilnahme nicht die Kraft hätten, sie müssten aber nach dem Kanun einen oder
mehrere Cebelü für das Heer stellen. Die kanungemäße Zahl der Cebelüs
wurde indes in manchen Fällen auch herabgesetzt, weil der tatsächliche Ertrag
des Timars oder Ziamets deutlich geringer war als der nominelle (bi-hasıl).21
Dass die sechzehn Cebelüs der beiden reichen Knaben auch eingetroffen
sind, und ebenso der Cebelü des armen Erben, bestätigte der Cebelü Ağası, der
für diese Cebelüs zuständige Offizier durch seine Bescheinigung (ilam). Daraufhin reichte der Miralay oder Alaybeyi, zweiter im Rang nach dem Sandschakbey, seine entsprechende Eingabe (arz) ein. Nun konnte im Defterhane
17 Manche Einträge beginnen aber auch, ohne dass auf den Tod des Vater Bezug genommen wird, mit der Formulierung „da der Erwähnte ein Knabe ist“ (mezbur sabi olmağla) eine
Formulierung, die sich im Defter KK. d. 405 durchweg findet. Es handelt sich dabei also um
eine Kurzform, nicht um eine andere Art des Erwerbs. Die Formulierung: „er erhielt es durch
Übertragung von seinem Vater“ (babası tahvilinden alub) besagt demgegenüber, dass der Vater
noch am Leben war, sein/ein Timar aber an den Sohn abgetreten hatte (KK. d. 405, fol. 101r;
Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 16v, 97r, 138v, 141r, 141v, 143v, 145r, 148r, 172r, 182r, 182v, 184r, 187v,
191v, 199r).
18 Einige Beispiele von gemeinsamem Erbe und der entsprechenden Aufteilung: Cod. mixt.
1305, fol. 12v, 16v, 19v, 34v, 45v, 46r, 87v, 101r, 140v, 157r, manchmal sind nicht alle Brüder
noch Knaben.
19 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 192v; das mit 101.617 Akçe insgesamt höchstdotierte Ziamet hat
der Müteferrika Hasan inne, ein Mekkapilger (71v).
20 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 136r; ungewöhnlich niedrig ist ein Eintrag mit 300 Akçe auf fol.
164v. Es dürfte sich um ein Versehen des Schreibers handeln.
21 Cod. mixt. 1305, beispielsweise fol. 28v: um zwei verringert, 190r: auf sechs ermäßigt.
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VON DER HEERESFOLGE FREIGESTELLTE TIMAR-INHABER
nach der Überprüfung eine Urkunde (cebelü hükmi) ausgefertigt und übergeben werden, worauf der Eintrag in das Cebelü Defteri erfolgte. Damit hatten
die Knaben und ihre Familien die Möglichkeit unberechtigte, feindliche Ansprüche auf ihr Lehen wegen Nichterscheinens abzuwehren. Timare und
Ziamets waren faktisch, in deutlichem Gegensatz zum klassischen System,22
in voller Höhe erblich geworden.23
Das zweitgrößte Ziamet das ein Knabe erbte, erbrachte 74.978 Akçe,24 sein
Vater trug den Titel Pascha und hatte, wie der Vater mit dem ertragreichsten
Ziamet zu den vornehmen Müteferrikas gehört, unter denen auch im Defter
nicht wenige Wesirssöhne erscheinen. Meist waren es diese Müteferrikas oder
die Çavuşe,25 Angehörige berittener Garden des Sultans aber auch hoher Würdenträger, die für vielerlei Missionen eingesetzt wurden, sowie hohe Ränge der
Verwaltung (katib), die Ziamets über 50.000 Akçe innehatten und an unmündige Söhne vererben konnten.26
Nach dem Kanun galt die Freistellung von der Heeresfolge zunächst bis
zum zwölften Lebensjahr, später wurde sie bis zum sechzehnten ausgedehnt.27
Vereinzelte Altersangaben im Defter variieren zwischen zwei und dreizehn
22 İnalcık, ‘Tīmār’, 502: timars are “non-hereditary prebends to sustain a cavalry army and
a military-administrative hierarchy”; İnalcık, ‘Timar’, 170: „Osmanlı timar sisteminin batılı
feudal uygulamalardan farklı temel özelliklerden biri miras yoluyla mirascılara geçmemesidir.“
23 Dies wurde auch von Dávid und Fodor festgestellt: ‘Changes in the Structure and Strength
of the Timariot Army’, 162–168.
24 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 88r, 133r.
25 Zu den Müteferrikas siehe: Erhan Afyoncu, ‘Müteferrika’, in TDVİA. Bd. 32. İstanbul,
2006, 183–185; J. H. Kramers, ‘Müteferrika’, in EI. 2. Aufl. Bd. 7. Leiden, New York, 1993,
794; Mehmet Tayyib Gökbilgin, ‘Müteferrika’, in İA. Bd. 8. İstanbul, 1960, 853–856. Zu
den Çavuşen siehe: Robert Mantran, ‘Čā,ūsh’, in EI. 2. Aufl. Bd. 2. Leiden, London, 1965,
16; Orhan F. Köprülü, ‘Çavuş’, in TDVİA. Bd. 8. İstanbul, 1993, 236–238. Vgl. Géza Dávid,
‘Ottoman Armies and Warfare, 1453–1603’, in Suraiya N. Faroqhi and Kate Fleet (eds.), The
Cambridge History of Turkey. Vol. II: The Ottoman Empire as a World Power, 1453–1603. Cambridge, 2013, 292.
26 Cod. mixt. 1305: Müteferrika Mehmed: fol. 163r, 177r, 189r; Müteferrika Hüseyin (?):
fol. 37v; Mehmed Çavuş: fol. 176v; Çavuş Mustafa Paşa: fol. 34r; Kâtib Ali: fol. 173v, 181r,
187v.
27 Hammer, Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung, I. 362.
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HANS GEORG MAJER
Jahren,28 bleiben also innerhalb dieses Rahmens. War der Sohn beim Tod des
Vaters noch sehr jung, konnte die Verpflichtung Cebelüs zu stellen über Jahre
hinweg wiederholt werden. Ein Knabe Ali, Erbe eines Ziamets in Höhe von
57.387 Akçe, erscheint in den Jahren 1079/1668–1669, 1080/1669–1670,
1083/1672–1673 und 1085/1674–1675 im Defter.29 Es sind dies Jahre des
Krieges, des kretischen Krieges und des polnischen Krieges. Man brauchte jeden Cebelü.
Die Aufsicht über die von den Knaben gestellten Cebelüs hatten die beiden
Cebelü Ağas von Rumelien und von Anatolien, deren namentliche Nennung
geradezu Amtslisten für Rumelien30 und Anatolien ergeben.31 Ihnen wurden
die Cebelüs übergeben, meist nur einer, insgesamt aber bis zu sechzehn. Sobald sie am Sammelplatz eingetroffen waren, stellte der regional zuständige
der beiden Ağas seine Bestätigung (ilam) aus. Die Cebelüs selbst übernahm
dann der Miralay ihrer jeweiligen Heimatprovinz als zuständiger Kommandeur des Timar-Aufgebotes und führte sie während des Feldzuges an.
Die Zahl der Einträge über die von der Heeresfolge freigestellten unmündigen Timar- und Ziametinhaber schwankte von Jahr zu Jahr. In bestimmten
Jahren des Krieges um Kreta (1668–1669), des polnischen Krieges (1672–
1673, 1674–1675), des russischen Krieges (1678–1679) und im Jahr des
Wiener Feldzuges (1683) lagen die höchsten Zahlen jährlicher Einträge zwischen rund 600 (Polen) und 180 (Russland), in militärisch ruhigeren oder
friedlichen Jahren ging sie von rund dreißig bis unter zehn zurück.
Der Eintrag in das Defter sicherte den nachgelassenen Söhnen den Status
als Sipahi und die Einkünfte des Vaters. Er sollte sie auch, und das war für die
Knaben und ihre Familien besonders wichtig, gegen die feindliche Einmischung Fremder sichern, die ihnen das Timar oder Ziamet streitig machen
wollten. Das alles entsprach auch den Interessen des Staates, der damit seiner
28 Beispielsweise: Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 11v, 88r, 89v, 34v, 92r, 95r (5 Jahre), 89v (6), 87v (7),
97r (8), 87v, 138v (9), 34v (12, 13 Jahre); KK. d. 405 gibt das Alter der Knaben fast regelmäßig
an, manchmal mit dem Zusatz „schätzungsweise“ (tahminen). Vgl. Géza Dávid und Pál Fodor,
‘Az oszmán timár-birtokos haderő nagysága és összetétele a XVII. század második felében’,
Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 117 (2004) 488–489.
29 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 3v, 58r, 123v, 143r.
30 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 2r, 18r, 47r, 134v, 161v, 185r.
31 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 1v, 134v, 165r, 184r.
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VON DER HEERESFOLGE FREIGESTELLTE TIMAR-INHABER
Fürsorgepflicht für Unmündige nachkam, der darüber hinaus nach stabilen
sozialen Verhältnissen im Land strebte, den Überblick über die Timare wahren wollte, und vor allem seinen Anspruch auf die Stellung von Cebelüs in jedem einzelnen Fall betonen wollte. Während im Cebelü Defteri KK. d. 405
die Stellung von Cebelüs als Aufforderung formuliert wird,32 bestätigt im Wiener Defter der Cebelü Ağa, dass die Cebelüs bereits eingetroffen sind.33 Diese
Effizienz ist wohl eine Folge der Köprülü Reformen.
KRANKE, VERWUNDETE UND ALTE SİPAHİS
Alter, Krankheit und Verletzungen konnten es einem Sipahi unmöglich
machen, seiner Verpflichtung zum Kriegsdienst nachzukommen.34 Sobald er
aber bei der Musterung der Truppen seines Sandschaks fehlte, konnte sein
Timar oder Ziamet als erledigt angesehen und neu vergeben werden. Es lag
daher im Interesse des betroffenen Sipahi, seinen Zustand aktenkundig zu
machen und sich um einen Befehl (hükm) zu kümmern, der seine Verhinderung
amtlich machte. Während der Jahre 1668 bis 1683 beschritten über achtzig
Sipahis diesen Weg.
Die Gründe, die für eine solche Freistellung angegeben wurden, waren vor
allem Alter und Krankheit: ein Sipahi war über achtzig Jahre alt (196v), ein
anderer hatte seit über fünfzig Jahren an den Feldzügen teilgenommen, nun
waren seine Augen schwach geworden (160r), ein dritter war einfach alt
(106v), ein vierter außerordentlich alt und krank dazu (174r), ein fünfter
schließlich war alt, krank und blind (162r). Weiteren Sipahis ging es ganz ähnlich. Einer hatte auch die Gicht (88r), einer hatte die Wassersucht und war
bettlägerig (163r). Bettlägerig waren auch andere, zwei von ihnen konnten deshalb nicht zum kretischen Krieg ausrücken (16v, 18r).
Die Kriege des Zeitraums machen sich bemerkbar: wegen einer Verwundung wurden nicht wenige Sipahis vom Dienst freigestellt. Meist wird nur die
32 BOA, KK. d. 405, 8v: kanun üzere cebelüsü eşmek içün emr-i şerif verilmişdür.
33 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 62r: bir nefer cebelüsün cebelü ağasına teslim etmekle; oder auch 165r:
bu sene-i mübarekede cebelüsü hizmetde mevcud olduğunu…
34 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 18v.
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Tatsache der Verwundung erwähnt, doch gelegentlich gibt es auch Details: ein
Hüseyin hatte seine rechte Hand verloren und konnte kein Schwert mehr halten (84r), zwei Sipahis waren, ebenfalls während des osmanisch-venezianischen Krieges um Kreta, an einem Arm und einem Bein verwundet worden
(176v, 181v), einer wurde in der Festung Kandiye (heute: Iráklio, Kreta) verletzt (113r). Der Sipahi Mehmed wurde beim polnischen Feldzug von einer
Gewehrkugel in die linke Hand getroffen, sie musste amputiert werden (153r).
Einer wurde während des osmanisch-russischen Krieges beim Feldzug nach
Çehrin (heute: Czehryń, Ukraine) verwundet (183v), zwei bei der Belagerung
dieser Festung (171r, 178r), ein anderer wurde von einer Kanone am linken
Arm verletzt (184v).
Da alle diese Sipahis einleuchtende Gründe hatten und Cebelüs stellten,
wurden sie freigestellt und erhielten ausdrücklich staatlichen Schutz gegen
den Verlust ihres Timars oder Ziamets. Schließlich zeigen einige wenige Einträge auch alte Sipahis, die mit einem Timar versorgt, unter der Bedingung im
Kriegsfall einen Cebelü zu stellen, ausdrücklich in den Ruhestand versetzt (tekaüd) worden waren (119r, 119v, 120v, 123v).
Die Einträge über die kriegsunfähigen Sipahis verteilen sich sehr ungleich
über das Defter. Während der ersten vier Jahre, es ist die Schlussphase des
kretischen Krieges und die Zeit bis hin zum polnischen Krieg finden sich lediglich elf Einträge, die übrigen über siebzig fallen in die Jahre des polnischen
und russischen Krieges und in das Jahr des Feldzugs nach Wien.
MEKKAPILGER
Die Pilgerfahrt nach Mekka soll jeder Muslim, der dazu in der Lage ist,
mindestens einmal im Leben unternehmen, gehört sie doch zu den fünf
religiösen Hauptpflichten des Muslims.35 Der Inhaber eines Timars oder eines
Ziamets, der durch seine Verpflichtung gegenüber dem Staat gebunden war,
konnte sich jedoch nicht ohne Weiteres der jährlichen Pilgerkarawane
35 Zur Pilgerfahrt besonders in osmanischer Zeit: Suraiya Faroqhi, Herrscher über Mekka.
Die Geschichte der Pilgerfahrt. München, Zürich, 1990.
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anschließen, da er sonst Gefahr lief, dass sein Timar oder Ziamet als frei
angesehen und an einen anderen vergeben wurde. Andererseits konnte sich
natürlich auch der Staat dem frommen Wunsch nicht verweigern.
Während der Jahre 1079/1668 bis 1094/1683 wurde die Pilgerfahrt von
rund 270 Sipahis amtlich gebilligt und im Defter registriert. Ihre Pilgerfahrten
verteilen sich allerdings sehr ungleich auf die einzelnen Jahre des Zeitraums.
In den Jahren 1079/1668–1669, 1084/1673–1674, 1085/1674–1675 und
1094/1682–1683, es sind Kriegsjahre, ist keine Pilgerfahrt von Sipahis eingetragen. In den übrigen Jahren liegt die Zahl der Pilger nur zwischen zwei und
achtundzwanzig. Das Jahr 1080/1669–1670 jedoch erlebte einen Andrang.
Rund hundert Timar- und Ziamet-Inhaber machten sich auf nach Mekka.
Die ungewöhnlich hohe Zahl dürfte eine Reaktion auf das Ende des osmanisch-venezianischen Krieges um Kreta (1645–1669) sein, der nach vierundzwanzig Jahren gerade zu Ende gegangen war.
Diese militärischen Mekkapilger kamen aus den verschiedensten Provinzen
Rumeliens und Anatoliens und natürlich mussten sie sich die Reise leisten
können. Die Höhe der nominellen Einkünfte der Pilger schwankt zwischen
543 (179v) und 101.617 Akçe (71v). Die reichsten Siebzehn hatten Ziamets
von über 50.000 Akçe inne, während die ärmsten Siebzehn nur Timare mit
einem nominellen Einkommen von unter 3.000 Akçe zur Verfügung hatten.
Allerdings bildete zu dieser Zeit das nominelle Einkommen eines Timars oder
Ziamets nicht mehr unbedingt die Wirklichkeit ab und zusätzliche Einkommensquellen bleiben im Dunkel.
Wortlaut und Umfang der Einträge variieren, die knappste Form lautet:
„dem Genannten wurde für die Teilnahme an der heiligen Pilgerfahrt das Erlaubnisschreiben (izin hükmi) übergeben.“36 Mehr Details zum Verfahren enthält ein anderer Eintrag: „Da der Genannte die fromme Intention ausgesprochen hat, die heilige Pilgerfahrt zu unternehmen, wurde ihm gemäß seiner
Petition das Erlaubnisschreiben übergeben.“37 Die fromme Intention (niyet) ist
die Voraussetzung für die Gültigkeit einer rituellen Handlung im Islam. Die
Wichtigkeit der Petition wird unterstrichen: „Da er die Gnade erbat ihm eine
36
37
Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 73v.
Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 72v.
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großherrliche Erlaubnis zu erteilen, wurde entsprechend seiner Petition für die
Beurlaubung eine Urkunde ausgestellt.“38 Häufig wird in den Einträgen zudem
der Kanun als gesetzliche Grundlage des Verfahrens erwähnt.39 Weitere Einträge stellen den wichtigsten Aspekt einer förmlichen Beurlaubung in den Vordergrund: den Schutz der heimischen Interessen des Pilgers: „Da der Genannte zur Pilgerfahrt aufbricht wurde ihm, damit ihm in diesem gesegneten Jahr
kein Außenstehender sein Ziamet und Gedük streitig macht, ein edler Erlass
ausgehändigt.“40
Eine Verpflichtung der Mekkapilger zur Stellung von Vertretern für die
Zeit ihrer Abwesenheit wird in den Einträgen nicht erwähnt. Hier ging es
nicht wie sonst um militärische Interessen des osmanischen Staates, sondern
um religiöse. Einem Ali aus dem Sandschak Kastamonu der blind und schwach
war, der aber auf Grund seines Berats zur Stellung eines Cebelü verpflichtet
war, wurde, da er den frommen Vorsatz zur Pilgerfahrt gefasst hatte, für das
Jahr der Pilgerfahrt die Stellung seines Cebelü daher auch ausdrücklich erlassen (181v). Doch gibt es einzelne Ausnahmen: ein Festungssoldat von Sinop
stellte wohl selbst bis zu seiner Rückkehr einen Vertreter (176r). Für Hüseyin
den Obersten der Festung (dizdar) von Hanya auf Kreta setzte der Kommandant (muhafız) Wesir Ahmed Pascha41 einen Vertreter ein (156r). Diese Festungen vertrugen offenbar keine Minderung ihrer Mannschaftsstärke, nicht
einmal wenn es um die religiös verdienstvolle Pilgerfahrt ging.
DEFTERLÜ ADAMLAR
Inhaber von Timaren und Ziamets die, nach einer in früheren Zeiten oft
umstrittenen Praxis,42 im persönlichen Dienst des Sultans (rikab-i hümayun),
38 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 82r.
39 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 82r.
40 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 71v.
41 Zu Ankebud Ahmed Pascha siehe: Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmani. Bd. 1. İstanbul,
1308/1890, 223.
42 Klaus Röhrborn, Untersuchungen zur osmanischen Verwaltungsgeschichte. Berlin, New
York, 1973, 64–84.
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dem Dienst eines hohen Würdenträgers, eines Wesirs, eines Beylerbeys oder
eines Sandschakbeys standen, blieben Teil der Timar-Organisation und hatten
wie alle Sipahis im Prinzip die Pflicht unter dem Banner ihres Sandschakbeys
Kriegsdienst zu leisten. Ihr Dienstherr erfasste sie aber auch seinerseits in
Deftern, weshalb sie „seine im Defter verzeichneten Männer“ (defterlü
adamları), oder kurz Defterlü genannt wurden. Um sie nicht der Anklage
auszusetzen, sie hätten sich nicht bei ihrer Truppe eingefunden und um zu
verhindern, dass dadurch der Besitz ihres Lehens gefährdet wurde, übersandte
ihr Dienstherr eine meist gesiegelte Liste mit ihren Namen und der Angabe
ihres Timars oder Ziamets an das dafür zuständige Defterhane. Dort trug
man die Liste in das Cebelü Defteri ein und stellte dem Sipahi eine Urkunde
(hükm) aus, die ihm den Besitz seines Timars im Fall eines solchen Einspruchs
absichern sollte. Das Timar wandelte sich auf diese Weise faktisch von einem
Militärlehen in eine bloße Einkommensquelle.
Einträge zur Sicherung des Timar-Besitzes von Defterlüs finden sich im
Cebelü Defteri Cod. mixt 1305 in zwei Formen: in Form von Listen (defter),
die zwischen zwei und hundertsechsundzwanzig (35v–37r) Sipahis nennen
und in Form von Einträgen, die lediglich einen einzelnen Sipahi betreffen. Insgesamt sind es rund fünfzig Listen, die Würdenträger in den fünfzehn Jahren
eingereicht haben.
Unter all den männlichen Würdenträgern mit Defterlüs hebt sich eine einzige Frau hervor: die Mutter des Sultans, die Valide Sultan Hatice Turhan
Sultan (1627–1683).43 Ihr Sachwalter (kethüda) Mustafa Kethüda reichte
eine Liste von sechs Defterlüs der Valide Sultan ein, drei davon sind Müteferrikas (29r). Ahmed Çavuş, in einem einzelnen Eintrag genannt, wird wie
manch einer im Dienst eines Wesirs, ausdrücklich als mande bezeichnet (31v),
als von der Teilnahme am Feldzug befreit. Welche Aufgaben den Cebelüs im
Gefolge der Valide Sultan zukamen bleibt offen. Ein militärischer Einsatz ist
höchst unwahrscheinlich obwohl Hatice Turhan Sultan, durch den Bau zweier
Festungen an den Dardanellen und finanzielle Unterstützung der Armee, ein
aktives Interesse an militärischen Angelegenheiten bewiesen hat.
43 M. Çağatay Uluçay, Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları. Ankara, 1980, 56–59; Ali Akyıldız,
Haremin Padişahı Valide Sultan. Haremde Hayat ve Teşkilât. İstanbul, 2017, 302–309.
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Die Defterlü-Listen der Großwesire, ihrer Stellvertreter (kaymakam) und
der Großadmirale haben den größten Umfang. Großwesir Köprülüzade Ahmed Pascha (1661–1676) verzeichnet zwölf Listen und zwanzig einzelne Defterlü-Einträge. Insgesamt sind das 196 Defterlüs, darunter Müteferrikas, Müteferrikasöhne und Çavuşe. Großwesir Kara Mustafa Pascha (1676–1683)
kommt zwischen 1676 und 1683 auf eine Liste mit lediglich zwei Defterlüs
(184r) und drei Einzeleinträge. In seiner Zeit als Kaymakam und noch kurz
danach hatte er jedoch acht Defter vorgelegt und acht einzelne Eingaben mit
insgesamt 212 Defterlüs.44 Der zweimalige Großadmiral (kapudan-i derya)
Kaplan Mustafa Pascha reichte während seiner ersten Amtsperiode acht Listen mit 185 Defterlüs ein, danach als Vali von Aleppo noch eine Liste mit zwei
Defterlüs,45 dazu kommen neun Einzeleinträge, zusammen sind das 196 Defterlüs. Rund dreißig weitere Würdenträger reichten Listen ein mit zwischen
zwei und siebenundsechzig Defterlüs, dazu kommen Einzeleinträge. Trotz
mancher Reformen ergibt sich daraus eine beachtliche Zahl von Lehensinhabern, die weder selbst einrückten, noch, wie die Knaben und Kranken, wenigstens die vorgeschriebene Zahl von Cebelüs aufboten.
Jahrzehnte zuvor war die Minderung der Truppen durch die Vergabe von
Timaren und Ziamets an Unberechtigte für die Verfasser von kritischen Traktaten über den Zustand des Reiches ein zentraler Punkt der Kritik gewesen.
Vor allem hatten sie gerügt, dass Hofbedienstete wie Müteferrikas, Çavuşe
aber auch Katibs solche Lehen erhielten und dass Würdenträgern zahlreiche
Timare als reine Geldquelle, oft durch Strohmänner, an sich gebracht hatten.
Inzwischen befand man sich aber in der Zeit der Köprülü Reformen mit ihrer
strafferen Verwaltung. Der Ernst, der hinter der Androhung des Timarverlustes bei Nichterscheinen stand, ist im Defter spürbar. Doch viele Müteferrikas
waren beispielsweise noch immer im Besitz von Ziamets, war es doch inzwischen längst Usus, dass ein Teil von ihnen zur Entlastung der Staatskasse mit
Lehen besoldet wurde. Ob die widerrechtliche Akkumulation von Timaren
und Ziamets durch Würdenträger als Problem noch fortdauerte, lässt das
Defter nicht erkennen.
44
45
Die Listen: fol. 13r–13v, 13v–14r, 14r–14v, 30r, 69v–70r, 70v, 83v, 89v.
Die Listen des Kapudan: fol. 14r–14v, 14v–15r, 15r–15v, 40r, 40v–41r, 41r, 80v, 129r.
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SİPAHİS MIT BESONDEREN AUFTRÄGEN
Weil ihnen verschiedenste Aufgaben übertragen wurden und sie Dienste
leisteten, die im Interesse des osmanischen Hofes und Staates lagen, wurden
auch einzelne Sipahis, obwohl sie weder selbst dienten noch Cebelüs stellten,
für die Zeit ihres Dienstes im Besitz ihrer Timare und Ziamets gesichert,
meist, wie es heißt, durch einen Zusatz zu ihrem Deftereintrag. Viele von
ihnen waren Müteferrikas und Çavuşe, aber auch hohe Ränge aus der
Verwaltung.
Einige Beispiele aus verschiedenen Bereichen ihres Einsatzes:
Der Müteferrika Ahmed und ein gleichnamiger Katib des Defter-i hakanî
wurden 1080/1669 mit einem Siegesschreiben (fethname) zu Schah Sulayman
von Persien (1666–1694) gesandt (78r), als Kreta nach so vielen Jahren Krieg
erobert war. Der Seferli Yusuf diente im großherrlichen Harem (155v). Sinan
und vier seiner Kollegen hatten als Şatır,46 die Aufgabe dem Sultan bei öffentlichen Auftritten feierlich voranzugehen (125v, 126r), der Müteferrika Mehmed
war ihr zweiter Offizier (kethüda) (161r). Der Müteferrika Dilaver wirkte im
Großherrlichen Marstall (161r). Der Çavuş Yusuf hatte sich um die staatlichen
Gefangenen (beylik esirleri) zu kümmern (142v). Mehmed, Inhaber eines Timar
im Sandschak Temeşvar (ungarische Temesvár, heute Timişoara, Rumänien),
war mit den übrigen Sipahis zum Feldzug aufgerufen, als man aber erfuhr, dass
er in der Wissenschaft der Timar-Verwaltung (defterhane kitabeti ilmi) bewandert war, wurde er als Timar Tezkirecisi des Sandschaks angestellt (131v).
Bestandsschutz erhielten auch osmanische Sipahis im Dienst der Krimchane. Zwei Ziamet-Inhaber standen im Dienst des viermaligen Krimchans
Selim Giray I. (zwischen 1671 und 1704; 130r, 149v, 157v). Alişah wird als
Defterlü des Chans bezeichnet (158r), ein weiterer Ahmed als Defterlü des
Krimchans Murad Giray (1678–1683; 172r). Um sie im Besitz ihrer Lehen zu
sichern haben die Krimchane zum Teil selbst eine Eingabe (arz) zu ihren
Gunsten gemacht.
Sipahis, die Aufgaben im Bereich des Militärs durchführten, aber eben
nicht dort, wo sie als Timar-Inhaber eigentlich erscheinen sollten, wurden
46
İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devletinin Saray Teşkilâtı. Ankara, 1945, 445–446.
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ebenfalls faktisch freigestellt und erhielten Schutz gegen den Verlust ihrer Lehen. Ein Bekir Murad Çavuş beaufsichtigte den Kanonenguss in der großherrlichen Kanonengießerei (84r), drei einzelne Sipahis und zweiundachtzig Sipahis auf einer Liste waren Humbaracıs, dienten also in Mörsereinheiten,47
andere Timar-Inhaber dienten in der Flotte (20r). Ein Müteferrika Ali war mit
der Funktion des Voyvoda der Türkmenen von Aleppo betraut (116v, 129r).
Eine Reihe Sipahis, die in der Festung Kamaniçe (heute: Kamjanec-Podilskyj,
Ukraine) Dienst getan hatten und im Herbst 1674 zu ihren Timaren zurückkehren wollten – wozu sie als Timar-Inhaber durchaus Anlass hatten –, wurden beurlaubt mit der Auflage zu Beginn der Feldzugssaison im Frühjahr
(ruz-i Hızır, 6. Mai) sich wieder unter der Fahne ihres Sandschaks einzufinden, ansonsten würden ihre Timare an andere vergeben (151r–152v).
Einen Tahrir durchzuführen, der meist die Grundlage für staatliches Handeln, oft für die künftige Besteuerung eines Gebietes bilden sollte, war eine
verantwortungsvolle Aufgabe. Auch hier wurden Sipahis, die Çavuşe und Katibs waren, eingesetzt, beispielsweise für Tahrirs von Mudaniya (127v), der
Bozulus Türkmenen (123v), im Sandschak Tirhala (128v) und von Uyvar
(ung. Érsekújvár, heute: Nové Zámky, Slowakei; 85r).
Reparaturen waren ein weiterer Bereich für den Einsatz von Sipahis. İbrahim Çavuş hatte auf großherrlichen Befehl die verfallene Moschee Sultan
Ala’addaulas in Gerger zu restaurieren (155r), Hasan Çavuş war mit einer
Brückenreparatur betraut (188v), İbrahim Çavuş hatte Reparaturen an der
Festung von Temeşvar, Siyavuş Çavuş wurde zu Reparaturen nach Medina
entsandt (176r). Dem Oberstallmeister (und späteren Großwesir) Sarı Süleyman Ağa, der beauftragt war die Wasserleitungen in Mekka wiederherzustellen, wurde sein Sohn, der Sipahi Yusuf zur Seite gestellt (180r).48 Memi Çavuş
hatte 1679 Renovierungsarbeite in Küre-i Mamure bei Kastamonu (174v), im
47 Cod. mixt. 1305, fol. 124v–125v, 127v, 151v, 171r.
48 Über Sarı Süleyman, seine Karriere und Familie siehe: Hans Georg Majer, ‘Bavyera ve İstanbul’da İzleri Olan Bir Osmanlı Sadrazamı: Sarı Süleyman Paşa’, in Feridun M. Emecen, Ali
Akyıldız und Emrah Safa Gürkan (Hrsg.), Osmanlı İstanbulu III. İstanbul, 2015, 19–51; eine
überarbeitete und vor allem um seine Stiftungen erweiterte Version: „Spuren des osmanischen
Großwesirs Sarı Süleyman Pascha in Bayern und Istanbul“ erschien in EOTHEN. Münchner
Beiträge zur Geschichte der Islamischen Kunst und Kultur 7 (2018) 189–224, dort leider mit
einem sinnlos erweiterten Titel.
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Jahr 1683 Reparaturen an Festung und Moschee von Estergon (Esztergom,
Ungarn) durchzuführen (193r), wofür der Müteferrika Mahmud Material
herbeizuführen hatte (193r).
Während des polnischen Krieges wurden Müteferrikas und Çavuşe beauftragt, Transporte von Proviant (130r, 131r, 145v), Munition (87r, 132v), Vieh
(133r) und selbst Pontons (tombaz) für den Brückenbau (147r) teils auf Wägen, teils auf Schiffen zu transportieren. Die Festung Kamaniçe war eines der
Ziele dieser Transporte, Siebenbürgen und die Walachei gehörten zu den Ausgangsorten.
Schließlich finden sich Freistellungen in besonderen Fällen. Receb Çavuş
hatte den Auftrag die fünfundvierzig Beutel (kise) Akçe, die das Schatzamt
dem Vali von Aleppo Wesir Kaplan Mustafa Pascha zugewiesen hatte, (für
ihn) einzuziehen (132r). Der Sipahi Ahmed in Diensten eines Ömer Pascha
hatte sich um dessen Schulden in Höhe von 200 Kise zu kümmern (177r).
Allahverdi, der Dizdar von Karahisar-i Şarki musste wegen eines Prozesses in
die Hauptstadt reisen. Er stellte, wie bei Festungskommandanten offenbar üblich, einen Vertreter und erhielt ebenfalls die Dienstbefreiung und die Sicherung seines Amtes verbrieft (175r).
FAZIT
Auch im späten 17. Jahrhundert galt noch, dass der Inhaber eines Timars
oder Ziamets sich zur Heeresfolge unter der Fahne seines Sandschaks
einzufinden hatte, unabhängig davon ob er zusätzlich oder eigentlich einen
anderen Status oder eine andere Funktion hatte wie etwa Müteferrika, Çavuş,
Katib oder Festungssoldat. Wer von ihnen also nicht bei der Truppenmusterung
eintraf, riskierte den Verlust seines Lehens. Wer aber nicht zur Armee
einrücken wollte oder konnte, hatte die Möglichkeit aktiv die Folgen eines
Timarverlustes zu vermeiden. Unmündige Söhne von Sipahis, die nun nicht
mehr wie früher nur Anspruch auf ein geringes Einstiegstimar hatten, sondern
das gesamte Timar oder Ziamet ihres Vaters erhielten, also faktisch erbten,
konnten die vorgeschriebenen Zahl von Cebelüs stellen. Damit waren sie
freigestellt und geschützt. Kranke, Kriegsversehrte und Alte wurden behandelt
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HANS GEORG MAJER
wie die Knaben, da kriegsuntauglich, konnten sie zu Hause bleiben, mussten
aber die auf ihr Timar entfallende Zahl von Cebelüs stellen. Wer die Pilgerfahrt
antreten wollte, benötigte eine Genehmigung, seine Abwesenheit unterlag aber
keinen Bedingungen, war seine Freistellung doch fromm, kurzfristig und
beschränkte sich weitgehend auf Friedenszeiten.
Unabhängig davon ob sie eigentlich Sipahis waren, die im Dienst von Würdenträgern standen, oder Gefolgsleute von Würdenträgern, die mit Timaren
und Ziamets entlohnt wurden, das Defterhane nahm auch die Defterlüs als
Sipahis wahr, die Heeresfolge zu leisten hatten. Da sie aber für ihren Dienstherren Leistungen erbrachten, wollte und konnte der sie nicht für den Kriegsdienst im Timar-Aufgebot freigeben. Andererseits wurden sie über ihre Timare und Ziamets honoriert und der Dienstherr konnte nicht riskieren, dass sie
diese finanzielle Basis verloren. Daher sandte er Listen mit ihren Namen ein
und erklärte sie als seine Defterlüs. Ihr Dienst für den Würdenträger wurde
offensichtlich inzwischen als ein mit dem Kriegsdienst gleichwertiger Dienst
geduldet, keine Bedingungen wurden gestellt, keine Cebelüs gefordert und sie
erhielten Schutz gegen den Verlust ihrer Lehen wegen Nichterscheinens.
Die gleiche Regelung galt auch für Inhaber von Timaren und Ziamets,
meist Müteferrikas und Çavuşe, die individuell in staatlichem Auftrag mit
einer bunten Vielfalt von Diensten betraut wurden, von der diplomatischen
Reise, über das Erstellen von Katastern, der Reparatur von Festungen, dem
Kanonenguss, dem Transport von kriegswichtigen Gütern, dem Eintreiben
von Geldern bis hin zum Dienst im Gefolge des Chans der Krim.
Der Eintrag in das Defter bedeutete für die Knaben, Kranken, Mekkapilger,
Defterlüs und Staatsbeauftragten aus unterschiedlichen Gründen die Freistellung vom persönlichen Kriegsdienst unter dem Banner ihres Sandschaks und
die staatliche Sicherung ihrer Lehen, teils mit, teils ohne Stellung von militärischem Ersatz. Der Staat seinerseits erhielt einen differenzierten Überblick darüber, wer, wo, wann, welches Lehen aus welchen Gründen, für welche Zeit
ohne Heeresfolge innehatte.
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OTTOMAN TRIBUTES AND CIRCULATION
OF MONEY IN THE PRINCIPALITY OF
TRANSYLVANIA, 1658–1687
János Buza
Corvinus University, Budapest
janos.buza@uni-corvinus.hu
In its state of involuntary independence following the three-way division of
the Kingdom of Hungary, the Principality of Transylvania1 was required to
pay tribute2 to the Ottoman sultan. The annual sum payable was initially set
at 10,000 ducats, increasing to 15,000 ducats in the 1570s but returning
to 10,000 after the Long War (1593–1606). The prince could request
exemption for periods of military action against the principality or campaigns
mounted with the sultan’s permission, opportunities taken up several times
by Prince Gabriel Bethlen (1613–1629). His successor, George I Rákóczi
(1630–1648), refused to pay more than 10,000 ducats a year, despite Ottoman
threats.3
1 Ladislaus Makkai, Histoire de Transylvanie. Paris, 1946, 120–149; Gábor Barta, ‘From
the Kingdom of Hungary to the Principality of Transylvania’, in Béla Köpeczi, Gábor Barta,
István Bóna, László Makkai and Zoltán Szász (eds.), History of Transylvania. Budapest, 1994,
247–264.
2 János Lipták, A portai adó története az Erdélyi Fejedelemségben. Késmárk, 1911, 18 et passim.
3 Lipták, A portai adó, 38–45. The sums collected towards the tribute naturally contained an
assortment of coins, for example: 24. Januarii [1659]. Hunyad vármegyéből hoztanak aranyat
22, jó tallért 74, oroszlányos tallért 22 ½. Poltura s garaspénzt 847 forintot, mely in summa teszen
fl. 1100 [d.] 30: Sándor Szilágyi (ed.), Erdélyi Országgyűlési Emlékek. (Monumenta Hungariae
Historica, III. Comitialia/b.) Budapest, 1887, XII. 268–269 (henceforth EOE).
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JÁNOS BUZA
The sultan’s wish to be paid in ducats is not hard to understand. These
gold coins were the most valuable and most sought-after currency in the
middle of the sixteenth century and were the customary means of payment
in long-distance trade. High-purity Viennese-style ducats minted in the
Ottoman Empire were well known throughout Europe, even in Vienna,4
although the Venetian zecchino5 topped the list of foreign gold coins in the
eastern basin of the Mediterranean, and Hungarian gold florins were also
highly sought-after there.6
Thalers played a modest part in international circulation of money, and the
Venetian exchange rates published in the middle of the sixteenth century
covered only gold coins,7 including the Ottoman sultanino. In the Viennese
exchange rate tables, patterned on the Venetian, there were ten columns for
gold coins8 and only one for thalers. It is therefore not surprising that the tax
collectors of the Ottoman Empire came across these large silver coins,9 which
they called guruş, only after the capture of Buda. The Buda revenue accounts
for 155810 include large sums in guruşes, indicating a gradual increase in the
circulation of thalers.11
4
Siegfried Becher, Das österreichische Münzwesen vom Jahre 1524 bis 1838. Wien, 1838, II.
24; János Buza, ‘The Exchange Rates of the Hungarian and Turkish Ducats in the Mid-16th
Century’, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 60 (2007) 36–43.
5
Ugo Tucci, ‘Les emissions monétaires de Venise et les mouvements internationaux de
l’or’, Revue historique 260 (1978) 99; Halil Sahillioğlu, ‘The Role of International Monetary
and Metal Movements in Ottoman Monetary History 1300–1750’ in John F. Richards (ed.),
Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modern Worlds. Durham, 1983, 272.
6 “A second favourite ducat was the ungaro…”: F. W. Hasluck, ‘The Levantine Coinage’,
The Numismatic Chronicle 1 (1921) 39–91, particularly 48.
7
Nicolo Papadopoli Aldobrandini, Le monete di Venezia. Vol. 2: Da Nicolo Tron a Mariono
Grimani, 1472–1605. Venezia, 1907, 178–179, 214–215, 264–265, 272.
8
Michael Schaerhauf, Wienn nach Venedig oder Venedig nach Wienn… Wienn, 1563.
(without pagination); Buza, ‘The Exchange Rates’, 46–47. The original copy, attached to the
Meder’sches Handelsbuch is preserved in the Premonstratensien convent library in Prague
(Klášter premonstrátu na Strahově).
9
Sahillioğlu, ‘The Role ’, 281.
10 Lajos Fekete and Gyula Káldy-Nagy, Budai török számadáskönyvek, 1550–1580. Budapest, 1982. Based on this corpus: Klára Hegyi, ‘A török hódoltság és pénzforgalma’, Numizmatikai Közlöny 86–87 (1987–1988) 79–80.
11 Pál Fodor, A
‘ z oszmán pénzrendszer 16. századi válságáról’, Aetas 4 (1999) 28.
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OTTOMAN TRIBUTES AND CIRCULATION OF MONEY IN TRANSYLVANIA
As more and more places in Europe began to issue thalers,12 in increasing
volumes, they came to be regarded as “good money”, and the Principality of
Transylvania was eventually allowed to pay its tribute to the Sublime Porte in
thalers as well as ducats. Murad IV (1623–1640)13 confirmed 10,000-ducat
annual tribute in spring 1625, but in March 1628, Gabriel Bethlen, in view of
the shortage of gold coins, stated that “…we have always paid our tribute in
thalers and good dutkas, and have never sent other coins there”.14 Bethlen thus
mainly paid tribute in silver coins, and the concept of “good money” included,
besides the thaler, a smaller-denomination coin known as the dutka,15 which
was minted in Poland, or on the Polish model. Neither did George I Rákóczi
(1630–1648) pay solely in ducats. In 1631, he sent “to the mighty emperor
ten thousand”, but to the many officials, he sent thalers – 4275 in total, and to
the embassy staff, dutkas and small denominations.16 He achieved great effect
in 1634 with an extraordinary gift to İbrahim Efendi in a wagon; the recipient
did not even count the money,17 “but quickly had it loaded, and set off with
the money”. In 1643, with a view to expanding his territory, Rákóczi promised
the Porte an extra 20,000 thalers.18 Since the traditional tribute of 10,000
ducats was itself equivalent to 20,000 thalers, the upper limit of “regular” and
“extraordinary” tribute combined – without gifts – may be estimated at
40,000 thalers.
12 Wolfgang Heß and Dietrich Klose, Vom Taler zum Dollar. Staatliche Münzsammlung.
München, 1986, 48–49.
13 Áron Szilády and Sándor Szilágyi (eds.), Török-magyarkori állam-okmánytár. Pest, 1868,
I. 427–430 (henceforth TMÁO).
14 TMÁO, II. 60.
15 At several times during the sixteenth century, Polish thalers and dutkas were minted
from alloy of the same purity, as stated in Stephen Báthory’s decree of 1580. Cf. Max Kirmis, Handbuch der polnischen Münzkunde. Posen, 1892, 62; Marian Gumowski, Handbuch der
polnischen Numismatik. Graz, 1960, 208; Andrzej Mikołajczyk, Einführung in die neuzeitliche
Münzgeschichte Polens. Łódź, 1988, 50.
16 There were of course considerable gifts that accompanied the cash. Antal Beke and Samu
Barabás, I. Rákóczy György és a porta. Budapest, 1888 (unnumbered insert owing to a fault in
the binding).
17 Report of envoy Pál Nagy, Constantinople, 22 November 1635: Beke and Barnabás,
I. Rákóczy, 156–157.
18 Lipták, A portai adó, 41.
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The diplomatic and military complications of the late 1650s,19 however, had
catastrophic consequences for the Principality of Transylvania and its payment
of tribute. The Transylvanian army suffered grave defeats during the Polish
campaign. The main army fell into Tatar captivity, and only those whose
relatives sent enough thalers to cover the enormous ransom could hope for
release.
Ottoman and Tatar forces ravaged Transylvania, leaving behind enormous
material and human losses. Wars between competing princes further weakened
the country. The fall of Várad (Oradea) to the Ottomans was a woeful loss of
territory and, in 1658, the Porte demanded the enormous sum of 500,000
thalers in war reparations and raised the principality’s annual tribute to 80,000
thalers.20
This was double the – theoretically temporary – 40,000-thaler tribute, but
simple arithmetic does not convey the long-term burden it gave rise to in the
deteriorating monetary circumstances. Transylvania’s two major coin-issuing
neighbours – the Kingdom of Poland and the Habsburg Empire – were
compelled to restructure their coinage, in 165821 and 1659 respectively.22
Put most simply, this involved expanding the issue of low-quality small
denominations and restraining – even temporarily suspending – the minting
of high-value thalers. This monetary policy inevitably, if not immediately, led
to the rise in exchange rates of thalers and ducats. There was also a long-term
increase in the demand for thalers from two nearby great powers, the Russian
and Ottoman Empires, where thalers and similar coins were not minted but
were increasingly familiar and sought-after.
The considerable reserves of ducats and thalers must have been held by
private individuals in Transylvania in the late 1650s and early 1660s were
rapidly depleted by ransom, war reparations and increased levels of tribute.
19 Katalin Péter, ‘The Golden Age of the Principality (1606–1660)’, in Köpeczi et al. (eds.),
History of Transylvania, 325–332; Ágnes R. Várkonyi, ‘The End of the Turkish Rule in Transylvania and the Reunification of Hungary (1660–1711)’, in ibid., 359–400.
20 Lipták, A portai adó, 46–48.
21 Mikołajczyk, Einführung, 149–157.
22 Günther Probszt, Österreichische Münz- und Geldgeschichte. Von den Anfängen bis 1918.
Wien, Köln, Graz, 1983, 461–467.
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Diets held after 1658 became preoccupied with the questions of how to impose
and collect tax, broaden the tax base, and compensate those who had given
“good money” by good intention23 “for the defence of the homeland”.24 There
was a pressing need to turn usualis coins, used in day-to-day transactions, into
“good money”, which meant thalers and gold coins. Usualis coins were often
veiled in anonymity, but some were named at the 1664 Diet of Nagysink
(Cincu).25 Before explaining this, we must take a look at contemporary minting
in Poland and Austria.
In 1652, after a break of several decades, the Kingdom of Poland resumed
the minting of the three-grossi and one-and-a-half-grossi coins, known in
Hungarian as dutka and poltura respectively, and in 1658, a six-grossi coin called
the szóstak (Hungarian szuszták). The coins issued in 1652 contained less silver
than their predecessors, and there was a further debasement in 1658. These
small denominations of reduced precious-metal content were minted in large
quantities and soon found their way to foreign countries. Their exchange rate
in Lower Austria was reduced as early as spring 1659. An observation made in
1669, at the time of a further devaluation, has particular significance for our
case: “These coins have almost completely flooded Hungary, to the detriment
of the public and of trade.”26 Another adverse development in the meantime
(1663) was the issue of a new Polish coin, the thirty-grossi złotówka, with silver
content equivalent to only eighteen Polish grossi. Circulation of the new
szuszták and the złotówka, known in Hungarian as the “new ort” caused such
discontent in Transylvania that a proposal to confiscate them was made in
1664.27 Nonetheless, the Nagysink Diet passed a law “accepting them by value”
in such a way that their exchange rate was not defined in either polturas or
deniers. The spread of the “new orts” may explain why, at the Diet of Radnót
23 Diet of Marosvásárhely, 6–11 November 1658, article VIII: EOE, XII. 102.
24 Diet of Beszterce 26 February–25 March 1659, article V: EOE, XII. 223.
25 EOE, XIII. 282–283; János Buza, A
‘ z Erdélyi Fejedelemség pénzértékei és a nagysinki
országgyűlés (1664)’, Erdélyi Múzeum 78 (2016) 56–67.
26 Codex Austriacus. Pars secunda. Wien, 1704, 29; Probszt, Österreichische, 467.
27 The Tibor Antal Horváth collection in the Rákóczi family archives. Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books, MS 5260 (henceforth LHAS MS 5260).
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(Iernut) in 1665, the exchange rate of the better-quality “Danczka ort”,28 which
was well established29 in the Mediterranean,30 was set at forty deniers.31
The Nagysink Diet decided – as it did for Polish coins – to accept the
“emperor’s grossi” and another small denomination known as the Leopoldrinus,
whose precious metal content was set by the 1659 money decree of Leopold I.
The “emperor’s grossi” was the three-kreuzer (Hungarian krajcár) that had been
minted since the middle of the sixteenth century, and the Leopoldrinus was a
new fifteen-kreuzer coin introduced in 1659.32 These were also to be obligatorily
accepted at face value, even though the new three-kreuzers were of lower quality
than their predecessors. The fifteen-kreuzers, although minted in large
quantities, were less known in Transylvania.33 At the ninety-kreuzer exchange
rate, the fifteen-kreuzer was equivalent to one sixth of a thaler, but its precious
metal content fell short of the face value.
The accepted exchange rate of the thaler in the Principality of Transylvania,
as in Upper Hungary, was 180 deniers, and receipts and accounts surviving
from 165934 record the accounting of one “whole imperial”35 thaler as one forint
28 Their reputation stemmed from the handsome, high-purity coins of Sigismund III
(1587–1632). Hasluck, ‘The Levantine’, 53.
29 Given the quantities they were issued in (thirteen and a half million between 1616 and
1621), they must have been widely familiar. Kirmis, Handbuch, 131; Gumowski, Handbuch, 50.
30 The “new ort” and the “Danczka ort” issued in 1654 had the same weight but differed substantially in silver content – 3.363 g and 4.626 g respectively; cf. Andrzej Mikołajczyk, Obieg
pieniężny w Polsce środkowej w wiekach od XVI do XVIII. Łódź, 1980, 16.
31 EOE, XIV. 143.
32 The name “Leopoldrinus“ was apt: the fifteen-kreuzer was the central coin of Leopold’s
monetary decree of 1659, “…das Herzstück des Einrichtungswerks von 1659…”: Eduard Holzmair, ‘Der Umfang der österreichischen Münzprägung in den Jahren 1659–1680’, Numismatische Zeitschrift 89 (1974) 54.
33 More than twenty-six million were struck in the Vienna mint alone in the first half of the
1660s! Eduard Holzmair, ‘Die Münzstätte Wien unter Andrea Cetto (1660–1665)’, Numismatische Zeitschrift 67 (1934) 85.
34 István Fodor gave 4000 thalers, “…which equals fl. 7200” and Kristóf Paskó 2000 thalers
…facit juxta ejus quietantiam fl. 3600 for “livestock”, meaning that they purchased estates: EOE,
XII. 262.
35 Császári tallér or császártallér. The term was applied in the broader sense to any thaler regarded as of equal purity to the imperial thaler. Its material was collected by Attila Szabó T.,
Erdélyi Magyar Szótörténeti Tár. 14 vols. Bukarest, Budapest, 1993, V. 579, 667 (henceforth SzT).
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and eighty deniers.36 (The forint was not a coin but a monetary value equal
to a hundred deniers.) This exchange rate was usually also used to express
the thaler value of the szeges tallér (or csegely, a hexagonal coin),37 small
denominations and unminted silver.38
Some accounts, of course, also record a premium. According to data from
1659, “gréczi thalers”39 could be exchanged for 190 rather than 180 deniers, and
“good imperial thalers” for 185 deniers.40 Premium soon turned to raised
exchange rate, and although the 200-denier rate for good thalers was not set
into law, by 1660, those paying tax in small denominations had to pay two
forints for every thaler demanded.41 By spring 1662, tax-payers – again
described as those who gave “good money [for war reparations] out of good
intent”42 – had to hand over two forints for a thaler and four forints for a ducat.
In the broader sense, it applied to any thaler that was regarded as equal in quality to the “imperial
thaler”. Lajos Huszár, Habsburg-házi királyok pénzei 1526–1657. Budapest, 1975, 49.
36 The 180-denier exchange rate was entered into a record written on 26 August 1659 in
the Keresztesmező camp: …singulos imperiales talleros centum et octoginta denarios…: EOE,
XII. 347.
37 There is also a later record of the exchange rate of the szeges tallér: “…183,5 szeges tallér are
equal to 330 forint 30 deniers”, that is, 330.3:183.5 = 1.8, and thus one szeges tallér was counted
as 180 deniers. 27 November 1661: MNL OL Rákóczi lt. Cf. LHAS MS 5260.
38 “Die 3. Mai… 103 grains and 40 drachms of silver … equals 935 thalers, + 2497.5 thalers,
+ 255 lion thalers, + 372 gold pieces (= 744 thalers), total = 7925 forints 70 deniers”: EOE,
XII. 261, and: “From Kolos County… 56 gold pieces equalling 201 forints 60 deniers. 49 ½ imperial thalers equalling 89 forints 10 deniers. 1 Zlotto equalling 1 forint. Item, 93 grains and 40
drachms of silver… equalling 795 ½ thalers, 1 1/2 n, equalling 1431 forints and 46 ½ deniers”:
EOE, XII. 262.
39 The qualifier gréczi (Graz) suggests that the thalers were of Styrian origin (cf. SzT, IV.
667), but the more commonly-occurring Tyrolean thalers were also popularly known as
gréci tallérok; cf. János Buza, ‘Der Erfolg der Tiroler Taler während der Türkenzeit in Ungarn’,
in Beiträge zum 6. Österreichischen Numismatikertag 2014. Vol. 6: Haller Münzblätter. 2015,
227–239.
40 “My lord György Rádai administered five hundred and thirty-two thalers, forty of which
were greci, which at 1 forint 90 deniers to one are equal to 76 forints. The four hundred and
ninety-two good imperial thalers at one 1 forint 85 deniers to one are equal to 910 forints 20
deniers”: EOE, XII. 266–267.
41 Tax-payers paid twenty-five thalers per plot if they had good money, and fifty forints otherwise. Diet in Segesvár 5 July 1660: EOE, XII. 443; cf. Lipták, A portai adó, 12.
42 Diet in Görgényszentimre 10–26 March 1662, article XIII: EOE, XIII. 129.
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The rates of 200 deniers to the thaler and 400 deniers to the ducat were set
into law, but could not be sustained in the prevailing conditions. Among the
decisions of the Nagysink Diet that made it so important for financial affairs43
was the effective acknowledgement – in Act XXXVII44 – of the existence of an
(unstated) premium: the law prohibited the exchange of ducats at rates above
four forints, thalers above two forints and lion thalers above 180 deniers. The
deepening scarcity of good thalers may clearly be inferred from the law, which
imposed penalties on offenders. The law included among “good money” the
low-purity Dutch lion thaler,45 whose exchange rate increased from 160 to 180
deniers.
Small-denomination coins flowing in from the north (Poland)46 and the
west (Austria) were joined by a competitor that arrived from the Ottoman
Empire. It became known in Transylvania and Ottoman Hungary under the
name timon, a word of Arabic origin meaning one eighth, but has been falsely
identified in Hungarian literature as an Ottoman coin. It was in fact one of the
high-purity small denominations minted in France,47 with a face value of five
43 EOE, XIII. 50.
44 EOE, XIII. 283.
45 H. Enno van Gelder, De Nederlandse munten. Utrecht, Antwerpen, 1965, 73, 79, 218, 221,
230, 268; Friedrich Schrötter, Wörterbuch der Münzkunde. Berlin, 1970, 359–360; Huszár,
Habsburg-házi, 49; János Buza, ‘Der Kurs der Löwentaler in Ost-Mitteleuropa mit besonderer
Rücksicht auf Siebenbürgen und Ungarn’, Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 17
(1981) 335–358; Lajos Huszár, Az Erdélyi Fejedelemség pénzverése. Budapest, 1995, 18; SzT,
X. Kolozsvár, Budapest, 2000, 29.
46 Their frequency is confirmed by coin hoards. Ferenc Pap and Judit Winkler, ‘Erdélyi és
külföldi pénzek Erdélyben’, in Lajos Huszár, Ferenc Pap and Judit Winkler (eds.), Erdélyi éremművesség a 16–18. században. Csíkszereda, 1996, 124–125 [summary: ‘Coin and Medal in
Transylvania (XVIth–XVIIIth Century)’, 211–220.]
47 The coin name timon comes from the Arabic word tumn meaning an eighth (there were
eight timons to the thaler). This enabled the popular twelfth-thaler French coin to be exported
to the Ottoman Empire at a profit, and after a while, forgeries of coins known as timon, timmin,
Luigino, etc. started to appear. A token of the abundant literature on this topic: Hasluck, ‘The
Levantine’, 54–70; Schrötter, Wörterbuch, 362, 695; Robert Mantran, Istanbul dans la seconde
moitié du XVIIe siècle. Paris, 1962, 245–246, and János Buza, ‘Les monnaies françaises ou du système français dans la circulation monétaire en Hongrie au XVIIe siècle’, Revue numismatique, VIe
série 18 (1976) 119–135; Lutz Ilisch, ‘Levantinische Gegestempel auf französische Münzen des
17. Jahrhunderts. Der Timminhandel in zeitgenössischen französischen Berichten’, in Thomas
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sous (French grossis), and was equivalent to d’ouzième d’écu, one twelfth of the
French thaler48 issued in 1641. With a high silver content and made to a high
technical standard, this French coin became increasingly popular in the
Ottoman Empire, from where it progressed northwards into Hungary49 in
1663 and Transylvania50 in 1664. Its rapid spread is clear from a decision of the
Radnót Diet of 1665 to set its exchange rate at fifteen deniers.51 The gallica
pecunia known as timon must have had a much higher circulation documents
record, because large amounts were converted to thalers, as some examples
demonstrate: The prince of Transylvania gave Dávid Rozsnyai, a student of the
Turkish language, fifty thalers in summer 1664 and another hundred at the
end of the year, both amounts paid in timons.52 The envoy to the Porte also
received his 100 thalers in timons in spring 1665.53 After some transitional
internal circulation, the French timons clearly found their way back from
Transylvania to the Ottoman Empire. There was no problem having them
accepted there, but conversion to thalers left room for abuse, for which there is
documented evidence from the Ottoman-occupied part of the Kingdom of
Hungary.54 French thalers were known popularly in some regions of occupied
Hungary as “timon thalers”, but their circulation there was unproblematic, and
Fischer and Peter Ilisch (eds.), „Lagom”: Festschrift für Peter Berghaus zum 60. Geburtstag.
Münster, 1981, 315–326; Carlo M. Cipolla, ‘La truffa del secolo (XVII)’, in Idem, Tre storie extra vaganti. Bologna, 1994, 59–72. According to the opinion of a Turkish historian “The effect
of this scandal was greater in Europe than in Turkey itself.” Sahillioğlu, ‘The Role’, 287.
48 Adolphe Dieudonné, Monnaies royales français depuis Hugues Capet jusqu’à la révolution.
(Manuel de numismatique française, II.) Paris, 1916, 347.
49 After the capture of Érsekújvár (Nové Zámky/Uyvar) Ottoman soldiers were paid their
monthly bounty in timons. Horváth Tibor Antal, ‘Régi magyar pénznevek’, Numizmatikai Közlemények 52–53 (1953–1954) 20.
50 Customs official’s report, Barcarozsnyó (Râșnov), 16 September 1664: TMÁO, IV. 147.
51 EOE, XIV. 143.
52 Sándor Szilágyi (ed.), Rozsnyai Dávid, az utolsó török deák történeti maradványai. (Monumenta Hungariae Historica, Scriptores). Pest, 1867, 312.
53 EOE, XIV. 97.
54 In Buda, twelve and sometimes thirteen timons were demanded instead one thaler, and
the pasha of Várad demanded fifteen in 1674. József Koncz, ‘A hódoltság történetéhez’, Történelmi Tár (1894) 683, 685; János Buza, ‘A tallér és az aranyforint árfolyama, valamint szerepe a
pénzforgalomban Magyarország török uralom alatti területén a XVII. században (Nagykőrös
1622–1682)’, Történelmi Szemle 20 (1977) 85–86.
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as elsewhere in Europe, they were accepted at an exchange rate that corresponded
to their silver content.
Of the coins that flowed into Transylvania in the second half of the
seventeenth century from the Mediterranean region via the Ottoman Empire,
one of the most significant was the lion thaler. Contemporaries never referred
to the Dutch origin of these coins, and often called them “Wallachian lions”, a
reference to the Wallachian principality through which the coins arrived. There
was a general desire to convert lion thalers into imperial thalers as long as there
were sufficient in circulation. In 1658, 5,000 “Leoninus thalers” were counted
in the princely treasury as “good money”.55
Lion thalers became a widely-used currency in the early 1660s, and their
familiarity,56 together with the increasing shortage of thalers, explains why, in
1663, Prince Michael Apafi extended a minting licence granted the previous
year to a goldsmith of Kolozsvár (Cluj Napoca), János Joó, permitting Joó to
mint lion thalers.57 Lion thalers were also accepted currency in the Ottoman
Empire. They were minted in great quantities in the Netherlands58 and used in
payment by English traders, and Italian imitations59 circulated in the Levant.
Lion thalers naturally took on an increasing role in the economic life of the
Principality of Transylvania60 as imperial thalers became scarce, particularly in
the payment of tax.
Towards the end of Ottoman control of Transylvania, lion thalers
appreciated in value thanks to the circulation of silver guldens known as zlot or
zolota. Their name gave rise to subsequent errors, because zolotas we